The Saint-Marc Massacre: The Evidence

In terms of evidence that a mass killing of opponents of the government of Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide and otherwise politically uninvolved civilians occurred in the central town of Saint-Marc in February 2004, and that, in violation of Article 268 of the Haitian constitution, armed civilians were working jointly with the national police, we have the following documentation:

"Haitians flee unrest in port city," in The Chicago Tribune, published February 10, 2004.

"Situation de terreur a Saint Marc," on the Radio Metropole website, February 16, 2004.

"Town taken from rebels feels heat of reprisal," in The Miami Herald, February 24 , 2004.

"Massacre de La Scierie: la NCHR souhaite un proces exemplaire," on the Radio Metropole website, March 31, 2004.


"Condemning Aristide's Largest Massacre," press release from the National Coalition for Haitian Rights (later RNDDH, April 2, 2004.

"The La Scierie Massacre," in Le Nouvelliste, April 17, 2005.

"Open letter to Louis Joinet, the United Nations' independent expert on the situation of human rights in Haiti, from Charlienor Thompson, coordinator of the Association des Victimes du Genocide de la Scierie (AVIGES)," published on June 12, 2007.

"HAITI: 'We Have Never Had Justice'," in the Inter Press Service, July 21, 2009.

As well as references in the following books:

Deibert Michael. Notes from the Last Testament: The Struggle for Haiti. New York: Seven Stories Press, 2005.

Hadden, Gerry. Never the Hope Itself: Love and Ghosts in Latin America and Haiti. New York: Harper Perennial, 2011.

Klarreich, Kathie. Madame Dread: A Tale of Love, Vodou, and Civil Strife in Haiti. New York: Nation Books, 2005.

In addition to these sources, there are also the raw notes from a Human Rights Watch delegation that visited Saint-Marc in March 2004 and whose research reflected, in every detail, the reporting and analysis included above.

As to whether or not the Aristide/Neptune government were aware that Bale Wouze were illegally operating alongside the police, there can be no doubt this was the case as Mr. Neptune was quoted during his visit to Saint-Marc - at the height of the violence - that '"the national police force alone cannot re-establish order."

The full text of that article can be read here.

I suppose one could make an argument that this vast collection of information, produced by individuals and entities operating at different times and in autonomy from one another, is part of a vast, organized conspiracy, but, as I said before, I do not believe that is an argument that a reasonable person could take seriously.

The people who were victimized under the governments of Mr. Duvalier and Mr. Aristide deserve justice, no matter how politically unfashionable it may be to say so today.

Upholding Dignity: The Creation of a Park in Haiti

Attacks against Radio Télé Ginen

Journalists from the Haitian news outlet Radio Télé Ginen attempting to cover the May 8 court appearance of former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide - who was being questioned in connection with the April 2000 murder of journalist Jean Dominique - were reportedly attacked, as was their vehicle, by Mr. Aristide's partisans. Both the Association des Médias Indépendants d’Haïti (AMIH) and the Association Nationale des Médias Haïtiens (ANMH) have condemned this incident, which is reminiscent of the hostility and violence towards the press displayed by Mr. Aristide's government and his Fanmi Lavalas political party before and during his 2001-2004 tenure in office.

For the AMIH and ANMH declarations (in French), please see the following links: L’AMIH condamne aussi l’attaque de manifestants pro-Lavalas contre Radio Télé Ginen and L’ANMH condamne l’agression contre Télé Ginen.

Video footage of some of the attacks in embedded below.

Trailer for the film Deported

Here is the new trailer for the documentary Deported, done my good friend Chantal Reganult and Rachèle Magloire. In 2009, I wrote about the plight of deportees sent from the United States to Haiti here.

Belo - Lakou trankil

...It's not all politics.

Full Exchange with Mark Weisbrot of the Center for Economic and Policy Research

(I found this in the "Drafts" section of this blog from years ago. Apparently I never got around the publishing it. Reviewing it now, I think I was far too kind to Weisbrot, a thoroughly dishonest man. Here it is, for the record. MD)

Back in December 2005 I stumbled across one of the most poorly informed articles about Haiti that I had ever read in the form of the piece "Undermining Haiti" by Center for Economic and Policy Research co -director Mark Weisbrot, a man with virtually no experience at all in the country and even less grasp of its complicated recent history. I responded with a letter to the publication saying, among other things, that "articles like this, hatched in a cocoon of ideology where rude reality never intrudes, do little to help that long-suffering country." Weisbrot then responded with a libelous tirade against me that one Haiti observer wrote was "pretty pathetic" and which "confirms exactly what you are accusing him of." When I approached then-Nation editor Karen Rothmyer about correcting such libel, I received a pouting response that "if you feel strongly, I'll get our lawyers involved." So much for informing the public, I guess.

Still, I think it might be useful to dismantle some of Weisbrot's more egregious dishonesty in public view, so I include the below letter (expanded from what I had intended to send The Nation) for readers' edification. Perhaps some day Mr. Weisbrot will get out from behind his desk and experience the places he opines about at ground level. I certainly encourage it.

MD

Michael Deibert's response to Mark Weisbrot's letter to The Nation magazine  

While Center for Economic and Policy Research co-director Mark Weisbrot's inaccuracies might pass without notice in Washington, (see Mr.Weisbrot's article "Undermining Haiti" in The Nation, Dec. 12), to those of us who have been on the ground in Haiti, it is clear that Weisbrot might benefit in his analysis by a quick review of Haiti's recent history. For journalists who have been privileged with the trust of Haiti's poor majority to tell their stories, it is our duty to reiterate the facts that individuals such as Weisbrot, perhaps unwittingly, do their best to muddy, first in his article, and now in his letter to The Nation responding to my critique of said article (that full exchange follows this email).

In his letter responding to my critique of his article, Weisbrot writes: "Most of the Fanmi Lavalas leadership and activists are in jail, hiding or exile. Nothing approaching this magnitude of state-sponsored violence or repression existed under Aristide."

False, in several aspects. Despite the continuation of brutality and impunity under the interim government that was one of the hallmarks of the Aristide years,  many Lavalas leaders, such as cabinet minister Leslie Voltaire, former Senate president Yvon Feuillé, former Chamber of Deputies presidents Rudy Herivaux and Yves Christallin, former Milot mayor Moise Jean-Charles, Aristide's first prime minister during his second term Jean-Marie Cherestal and others still operate with freedom throughout Haiti and, indeed, are still actively involved in politics. As someone who was in Haiti from December 2003 until June 2004 (one of many periods spent living in the country), I can truly say I have rarely seen greater state-sponsored violence or terror than those of us in Haiti witnessed during the final months of the Aristide government. Please refer to my book, Notes from the Last Testament (Seven Stories Press) or reports filed by National Public Radio's Gerry Hadden here and here, to cite but two examples), the Haitian organization AlterPresse, or a myriad of other
sources, for elaboration.

Weisbrot writes: "There is little evidence that the Aristide government "actively thwarted" the investigation of the murder of journalist Jean Léopold Dominique."

False. On March 3rd, 2002, on her daily broadcast on Radio Haiti-Inter, Michele Montas, Mr. Dominique's widow and 2002 winner of the Maria Moors Cabot Prize for excellence in journalism from Columbia University, said the following, referring explicitly to the Aristide government's undermining of the investigation, and investigating judge, Claudy Gassant:

On this same date last year, March 3, 2001, President Jean-Bertrand Aristide came to Radio Haiti to express his support publicly for the judicial inquiry and pledge that the executive branch of government would make available to justice the resources needed to investigate the April 3, 2000 assassinations at Radio Haiti. Today, twenty-three months later, facts are speaking louder than words: Fact: The Chief of State, who has the direct and exclusive authority to renew Judge Gassant's mandate, has still not done so although that judge diligently and systematically conducted the investigation for sixteen months with courage and competence. . . . Facts: All the resources, i.e., logistical, technical and financial made available in this judicial case by the preceding government have been cancelled. The special and relatively modest funds which had helped in the success of the trials of Raboteau and Carrefour Feuilles, as well as the funds allocated, among other resources, to the work of the first two investigating judges assigned to the murder cases of Jean Dominique and Jean-Claude Louissaint, allowing them to follow the leads of a difficult investigation in several
areas of the countries, were cancelled.

The fact that the Aristide government directly stonewalled the Dominique murder investigation has since been re-confirmed to me, both by Ms. Montas herself and by numerous other sources in Haiti. At a press conference held by the Radio Haiti-Inter staff on April 3, 2002 (which I attended), Radio Haiti Inter reporter Sony Esteus said that:

Manoeuvre after manoeuvre has been made by the justice minister, by  the dean of the civil court, by the 21 May Senate and by the police in order to block the investigation. The person who believes he can deliver the coup de grace is President Aristide. We say the coup de grace because President Aristide, as head of state, has blocked the investigations for four months...President Aristide is chief of a political party that controls the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government and he has blocked this investigation at every turn. We demand the president renew the mandate and ensure the security of Judge Gassant. 

Weisbrot writes: "(Deibert) claims that thugs acted in December with "visible collusion with police," but that is simply an allegation."

False. During the attack on the university on December 5, 2003, employees of the nearby Fondation Connaissance et Liberté (FOKAL) run by Michèle Pierre-Louis, the former sister-in-law of a well-known slain priest, Jean Pierre- Louis and a pair of visiting French diplomats watched the violence from the organization's headquarters on Avenue Christophe and later released a scathing press release in which they recounted the scene, which read, in part, as follows:

We saw groups of pro-governmental militia . . . regroup in front of our building, visibly preparing to attack the student demonstration scheduled for that day. We saw their arms displayed, ranging from firearms, wooden and iron sticks, rocks and other objects capable of hurting and killing. We saw their chiefs, men and women, also armed, equipped with walkie-talkies and cellular phones, organize and give orders to the commandos that were to attack the students. We saw the police, not neutral as has been reported, but acting as accomplices to the militia. On several occasions, during that day of horror and shame, the police opened the way for the chimere attack and also covered their backs. We saw children aged between twelve and fifteen, some in school uniforms, used by the Lavalas militia to throw rocks and attack the students with fire arms.

Those present during the attack, and footage in the filmmaker Arnold Antonin's documentary about the Aristide government's bloody denouement, GNB Kont Attila, have since confirmed this version of events.

Weisbrot writes: "Aristide made concerted efforts to reform the justice system and to address the root causes of the country's violence."

False. After driving two judges - Jean Sénat Fleury, and Claudy Gassant - off of the Jean Dominique case, in mid-April 2002, the Aristide government succeeded in pressing Henry Kesner Noel, magistrate of the city of Saint Marc, into signing an arrest warrant charging former dictator Prosper Avril with orchestrating the 1990 massacre of peasant farmers in the village of Piatre, in central Haiti, even though the massacre occurred after the dictator had been ousted from power. Following the signing of Avril's arrest warrant, Justice Noel fled Haiti for Florida, saying that Aristide officials - Noel mentioned Secretary of State for Public Security Gérard Dubreuil by name - had forced him to sign the warrant and he feared for his life should he remain in Haiti. The Aristide government's actions in this event were a blatant violation of Article 60 of Haiti's constitution, which delegated firmly the independence of the executive and judicial branches of government. In January 2003, when Judge Marcel Jean, the investigating judge in charge of Aristide-loyalist Amiot Metayer's case in the city of Gonaives, attempted to board a plane to the United States on, he discovered that his name was on a list of those banned from leaving the country by Interior Minister Jocelerme Privert. Jean's passport was seized, and he was denied the right to leave the country. Many viewed the move as an attempt to force Jean to "legalize" Metayer's jailbreak of August 2 the previous year. Eventually, Jean slipped out of the country and went into exile. Rosemond Jean, who helped form and became the spokesman for the Coordination Nationale des Societaires Victimes (CONASOVIC) on behalf of the victims of the co-operative scandal, was held from September 2002 until March 2003 without trial. 

The list goes on and on. Another example of Aristide's commitment to the rule of law was the speech he gave gave while visiting Haiti's police headquarters in June 2001, Referring to *zenglendos*?the
Kreyol term for common criminals that had become an all-purpose catch phrase for referring to people that those in a position of power in Haiti wanted to eliminate, Aristide said that "If a zenglendo stops a car out on the street, takes the car keys, forces the driver to get out and drives away with the vehicle, then that person is guilty. You do not need to take him to court to answer to the judge, because the car does not belong to him. If a criminal carries out physical violence against somebody out in the street with intent to kill that person, you do not need to wait for that criminal to appear before the judge, you can prevent that murderer from taking action. When it has to do with criminals it is zero tolerance. Period and full stop." So much for due process. 

Following the murder of journalist Brignol Lindor in December 2001, his killers - members of a pro-government gang called Domi Nan Bwa in the provincial city of Petit Goave who readily confessed to their crime - announced that they had meted out "zero tolerance" to Lindor.

Weisbrot writes: "Since all governments commit mistakes and abuses, this argument can always be constructed; it is perhaps easier to do so for a very poor country where the rule of law is not well established. Deibert's efforts fall squarely within that dishonorable tradition."

As Mao's defenders in the West such as the journalists Felix Greene, Anna Louise Strong, Edgar Snow and the economist Gilbert Etienne, attempted to deny the terrible reality of the suffering inflicted on the Chinese people during The Great Leap Forward, when tens of millions of people died needlessly, most of starvation, on the alter of Mao's vanity, so Mr. Weisbrot would appear to be dancing perilously close to his own "dishonorable tradition," that of the Western observer who believes that the lives of the world's poor are some how more expendable to bring about a desired political reality than their own sheltered, pampered existence.

As the noted Haitian filmmaker Raoul Peck has written about Haiti and the serial defenders of the Aristide government's excesses: "It became a habit among the tyrant's "friends," in particular among his American friends in the pseudo-left sector, to downplay these trends, or to hold his entourage
responsible. Is this to say that there are crimes condemnable in a western country but acceptable in Haiti? Are journalists' assassinations, threats, the dismissal of judges who are honest or not "flexible" enough, the forced exile of bothersome adversarie, ?are these "acceptable?" Do we only deserve a dime store version of democracy? A patronizing conceit that "low-end" democracy is good enough for "poor" Haitians?"

Whether Mr. Weisbrot is deliberately spreading misinformation, or is simply ill-informed in opining about things he has little first-hand knowledge of, is a matter for him to explain. But I think, given the evidence of his deception, he owes Haiti's poor majority greater intellectual and historical rigor when commenting on their struggle than he has thus far displayed.


Michael Deibert

New York City

Michael Deibert's Haiti Bookshelf

18 March 2013

Michael Deibert's Haiti Bookshelf

The Huffington Post

(Read the original article here)


Despite its image of relentless poverty and political unrest, Haiti is the most beguiling and charming of destinations for foreign observers, but also one of the most maddeningly complex. From broad brushstrokes outlining the surface of events, outsiders, often devoid of context, are sometimes forced to draw not-always-accurate conclusions. As the place that gave me my start as a foreign correspondent and which was the subject of my first book, Notes from the Last Testament: The Struggle for Haiti (Seven Stories Press, 2005), Haiti has always had a special place in my heart and trying to inject some history into the discussion of the country has become something of a personal mission. Below are several books that I think would add greatly to our general understanding of Haiti. Though I am sure readers would care to add their own to this list (and though I am sure I have forgotten something essential), this strikes me as a good place to start. MD


Nonfiction

Divine Horsemen: The Voodoo Gods of Haiti by Maya Deren
This book, poetic and impressionistic much like the author's more-famous experimental cinema, was the result of years of immersion in Haiti's religious culture, and acts as a worthy companion to the film of the same name.

Papa Doc: Haiti and Its Dictator by Bernard Diederich & Al Burt
This book by two veteran journalists bring to life the tyranny of the dictator François "Papa Doc" Duvalier, who ruled Haiti from 1957 to 1971 and set a bloody benchmark for despots ever since.

Island Possessed by Katherine Dunham
A memoir by the famous African-American choreographer, who lived in Haiti and became the lover of its future president, Dumarsais Estimé, this book is eloquent testimony to the power of Haiti to move and change those who visit her.

The Prophet and Power: Jean-Bertrand Aristide, the International Community, and Haiti by Alex Dupuy

This important book by the Haitian sociologist and Wesleyan University professor looks with an unsentimental lens at the the second mandate of Haiti's twice-ousted president, Jean-Bertrand Aristide.

Never the Hope Itself: Love and Ghosts in Latin America and Haiti by Gerry Hadden
A former National Public Radio correspondent who covered Haiti's chaotic 2000 to 2004 era gives us an eyewitness account of how the government of Jean-Bertrand Aristide came to an end amidst a tidal wave of corruption, violence and dashed dreams.

Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People 1492-1995 by Robert Debs Heinl and Nancy Gordon Heinl

The best general history of Haiti available in English comes from perhaps an unlikely source, a former chief of the U.S. naval mission to Haiti who ran afoul of dictator François Duvalier. Nevertheless, over a gripping 889 pages, the military man and his journalist wife sustain a compelling narrative of Haiti's tumultuous history, resurrecting names and events that have been all-but-forgotten in most English-language writing on the subject.

Voodoo in Haiti by Alfred Métraux
The result of travels through the Haitian countryside by the Swiss Métraux along with his friend, the great Haitian author Jacques Roumain, this decades-old work remains the best overview of Haiti's syncretic indigenous religion.

Red and Black in Haiti: Radicalism, Conflict, and Political Change, 1934-1957 by Matthew J. Smith

This book by a young Jamaican historian covers the period between the departure of the U.S. Marines after a 20-year military occupation and the coming to power of François Duvalier. In doing so, it demonstrates how the dysfunctional nature of Haiti's politics cannot be blamed on a single source, but is rather the product of decades of political and economic miscalculation and ill-intention on the part of both Haiti's leaders and the international community.

Bonjour Blanc: A Journey Through Haiti by Ian Thomson
The English author's experiences traveling through Haiti may be 25 years old, but this book reveals the colour, grime exhilaration and despair which foreigners often experience when ranging through Haiti better than almost any book before or since.

The Rainy Season: Haiti Since Duvalier by Amy Wilentz
A beautifully-written account of the years immediately following the fall of the 29-year Duvalier family dictatorship, this book also served to bring to international prominence a young Haitian priest named Jean-Bertrand Aristide, whose depressing legacy once he entered politics gave lie to the man's once-rich promise.

Fiction

General Sun, My Brother by Jacques Stephen Alexis
A timeless novel of poverty, oppression and flight, this enthralling work is the most famous by the author, who died in an unsuccessful 1961 attempt to overthrow François Duvalier.

Brief Encounters with Che Guevara: Stories by Ben Fountain
This PEN Award-winning 2007 collection of short stories contains several set in Haiti that are obviously the work of someone who has experienced the country at great length.

Vale of Tears: A Novel from Haiti by Paulette Poujol Oriol
A vivid depiction of Port-au-Prince and the life of a woman whose existence has been one of endless struggle, this book is one of the key works from one of Haiti's most important novelists.

Masters of the Dew by Jacques Roumain
This 1943 novel by a Haitian author and diplomat eloquently addresses the plight of Haiti's peasantry in terms that sadly are as relevant today as when the book first appeared.

Children of Heroes by Lyonel Trouillot
A short novel by the man who is probably Haiti's greatest living author, sensitively translated by Linda Coverdale, this book tells the bleak story of two children attempting to flee a Port-au-Prince slum after killing their abusive father.

En français

The works of the Haitian scholars Roger Gaillard, Suzy Castor and Laënnec Hurbon, novelists such as Gary Victor, and others such as the French anthropologist Gérard Barthélemy, are indispensable to any serious understanding of Haiti.