Monday, January 14, 2013

Reporter depicts events surrounding Haiti earthquake

Reporter depicts events surrounding Haiti earthquake

By Michael Deibert

The Miami Herald

The Big Truck That Went By: How the World Came to Save Haiti and Left Behind a Disaster

Jonathan M. Katz, Palgrave Macmillan, 320 pages, $26.00

(Please read the original article here)

Jonathan M. Katz’s new book about the aftermath of Haiti’s devastating earthquake in 2010 is fascinating but frustrating. An Associated Press reporter who lived in the country for two years before the disaster, Katz brings an on-the-ground flavor to his depiction of events that is more vivid than those in the more ponderous tomes published in the wake of the calamity.

Katz’s description of the day of the earthquake — a day that could have killed him — is wrenching and terrifying, and his descriptions of the often-callous diplomacy in its aftermath are bitterly convincing. His minute dissection of the failure of most of the promised aid and the misdirection of much of what did arrive is a valuable contribution to understanding how the international community should respond to such crises in the future. Even more chilling is his account of the indifference and subsequent obfuscation of the United Nations mission in Haiti and the fact that its troops introduced a cholera epidemic to the country that killed at least 7,000 people.

But Katz’s sharp lens turns fuzzier when he writes about the Haitians themselves. Early on, he states that he relied on his fixer — a driver/translator/guide — “for everything” during his time in Haiti, and so the account we see is what that fixer showed him, not the account of a journalist venturing forth to immerse himself in the country on its own terms. That’s a pity; Katz is a talented writer, and surely he had interesting thoughts about the subject. His window into Haiti’s byzantine political culture also seems to come from a single source, a former government minister who cannot on his own puzzle out the entire riddle of Haiti’s venomous political landscape.

Katz’s desire to see straight lines where tortuous twists and turns lie means that he tends to oversimplify complex situations. This habit become most problematic when he tries to assess Haiti’s history before he got there. Puzzlingly, nowhere in The Big Truck That Went By does he mention one of the events that probably more than any other destroyed Haiti’s rural agriculture and accelerated the urban migration to the destined-to-be-wrecked capital: a U.S.- Canadian funded program that, in the 1980s, succeeded in destroying 1.2 million of the Kreyol pigs that formed the backbone of the peasant economy.

Legislative elections in 2000 that saw journalists and opposition politicians murdered and their homes and party headquarters burned down are said to have suffered from “alleged fraud.” The chronology of the late-2003/early-2004 armed rebellion that (along with massive street demonstrations) would eventually bring down the government of then-President Jean-Bertrand Aristide is also fudged, with Katz blaming the action on a “small band of well-armed rebels.” In fact, the movement began among a street gang of former loyalists in the northern city of Gonaives, incensed in their belief that Aristide had murdered their chieftain.

Even given Katz’s admirable doggedness as a journalist, there doesn’t seem to be a great deal of love for Haiti in this book. Not for its mist-shrouded mountains, its azure coastal waters, the seductive gingerbread architecture that still rears up unexpectedly in its provincial towns or — with the exception of his fixer and the story of an earthquake-displaced family he movingly chronicles — the Haitians themselves. The Haitians in fact seem to rather irritate Katz, constantly bending his ear with unwanted conversations to the point where he can “hardly ask for directions.” At one moment, he admits that, despite having lived in the country for almost three years, he had rarely “let his guard down” with Haitians, which translates into a lack of intimacy with and insight about the people at the heart of the story.

Katz is a writer of considerable talent, with an often mordant and memorable turn of phrase. Had he schooled himself more thoroughly in Haiti’s history and immersed himself to a greater extent among its people before setting pen to paper, he could have produced a knockout of a book. Despite its many virtues, ultimately The Big Truck That Went By represents another example of what Katz himself exposes so thoroughly of the international community’s involvement with Haiti: Something of a missed opportunity.


Michael Deibert is the author of Notes from the Last Testament: The Struggle for Haiti (Seven Stories Press) and the forthcoming Democratic Republic of Congo: Between Hope and Despair (Zed Books).

Saturday, January 12, 2013

Twa Grand Mapou

Magalie Marcelin (Kay Fanm), Myriam Merlet (Enfofam) and Anne Marie Coriolan (Solidarité Fanm Ayisyen). Se batay fanm k ap chanje kondisyon famn!

Friday, January 11, 2013

Ayiti Se by Mikaben

Quite lovely song and video about Ayiti Cherie. This shows the beauty of the country we all love.

Saturday, January 5, 2013

Court hearing delayed for former Haitian President Aristide

[Mr. Aristide is also being brought to court by depositors who lost their money in the 2002 crash of a government-endorsed cooperative scheme. For more on the history of the cooperative scheme, please look here. It is also worth noting that Mr. Aristide is being represented in Haiti by Mario Joseph, lead attorney for the Bureau des Avocats Internationaux (BAI), while in the United States he is frequently represented by Miami attorney Ira Kurzban. Mr. Kurzban is one of the founders, a member of the board of directors and major contributor to the BAI's chief source of funds, the Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti (IJDH) and, as is by now widely known, his law firm was rather lavishly compensated for its work on behalf of the Aristide government while the latter was in power. MD]


Court hearing delayed for former Haitian President Aristide

Thu, Jan 3 2013
 
By Amelie Baron
(Please read the original article here)

PORT-AU-PRINCE (Reuters) - Former Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide on Thursday won a delay until next week in a court hearing to address accusations he exploited former street children for political gain.

Aristide, who did not appear in court, has not been charged with a crime and a judge will ultimately decide whether any charges should be filed. His lawyer successfully argued that the hearing should be delayed to next Wednesday because the court summons was served improperly.

Police used tear gas to avert a confrontation between pro- and anti-Aristide demonstrators outside the courthouse.

A complaint against Aristide was filed by a small group of people who said they were former street children rescued by Fanmi se Lavi, an organization Aristide created in the late 1980s to house and educate such children. They said they were physically abused and were used to raise donations to further Aristide's political career.

About a dozen people saying they were former street children protested outside the courthouse on Thursday.

"I was 6 when Aristide took me from my mother's house," said Sony Telusma, 32. "With the other children from Fanmi se Lavi, he was using me as a puppet, making us play in front of foreigners in order to raise money for his own political interest."

Telusma said the children could not file a complaint earlier "as we were just kids, had no maturity. And also, one should not forget that Aristide was in power. He was the one who was controlling everything. Misery has made things clear for us. We are asking for justice and reparation."

From the other side of the street, dozens of supporters of the political party founded by Aristide, Fanmi Lavalas, sang and waved portraits of the former president.

Haitian police, assisted by a few U.N. soldiers, kept the two groups from clashing. But as the pro-Aristide group became too big to contain, the police used tear gas to hold back the crowd and hastily evacuated the former street children in a police truck.

Aristide, a former Roman Catholic priest, first became president of the impoverished Caribbean nation in 1991 and was ousted by former soldiers in 2004, before the end of his second term. He returned to Haiti last year after seven years in exile in South Africa.

He has not spoken publicly about the accusations involving Fanmi se Lavi.

Mario Joseph, a lawyer representing Aristide, came to court to explain why the former president did not attend.

"We are not avoiding the law. Jean-Bertrand Aristide is a citizen. When the procedure is going to be correct, we'll come again. We only received the order to come in court on Wednesday morning, but January 2 is a holiday," he said.

The chief prosecutor, Lucmane Delile, set a new hearing for next week.

"We are testing the good faith of former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Justice is a blind woman. We are not taking sides. If any citizen has a grievance against former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, it's normal for us to hear it and to follow up the complaint," Delile said.

Sunday, December 23, 2012

Haiti human rights organizations denounce threats against judge investigating rape allegations against CEP president Josué Pierre-Louis

Des organisations de droits humains interpellent le CSPJ sur de graves menaces contre un juge d’instruction

Lettre de 4 organisations et plateforme d’organisations de défense des droits humains aux membres du Conseil Supérieur du Pouvoir Judiciaire (CSPJ)


Document transmis à AlterPresse

(Read the original article here)

Honorables Membres du CSPJ

Les organisations de promotion et de défense des droits humains, signataires de la présente, soucieuses de l’indépendance du pouvoir judiciaire, s’empressent de porter à votre connaissance un fait qui nécessite votre plus urgente intervention.

En effet, Me Josué PIERRE-LOUIS, président du CEP contesté, est inculpé de viol sur la personne de Marie Danielle BERNADIN. Le Parquet près du Tribunal de Première Instance de Port-au-Prince, saisi du dossier en date du 28 novembre 2012, l’a transféré au Cabinet d’Instruction pour enquête judiciaire. Choix a été fait du Juge d’Instruction Joseph Jeudilien FANFAN, pour instruire l’affaire. A date, diverses étapes ont déjà été franchies dans le cadre de cette instruction notamment, l’audition de plusieurs personnes dont la victime ainsi qu’une interdiction de départ à l’encontre de Me Josué PIERRE-LOUIS.

Aujourd’hui, le Magistrat Joseph Jeudilien FANFAN fait l’objet de graves menaces de la part d’un autre Juge d’Instruction du Tribunal de Première Instance de Port-au- Prince, Me Ikenson EDUME.

Ce dernier, frère de Me Josué PIERRE LOUIS, a entre autres, promis au Magistrat instructeur qu’il s’en prendrait à lui, s’il n’enterrait pas le dossier car, en aucune façon, il ne peut accepter que l’image de son frère soit ternie.

Devant la gravité des menaces proférées, le Juge d’Instruction Joseph Jeudilien FANFAN a sollicité et obtenu du doyen du Tribunal de Première Instance de Port-au-Prince, Me Raymond JEAN MICHEL, la convocation en urgence d’une Assemblée des Juges. Cette assemblée s’est tenue le 18 décembre 2012 avec la participation de vingt-six (26) Magistrats. Au cours de la rencontre, le Juge d’Instruction Ikenson EDUME a réitéré en présence de tous les Magistrats, ses menaces vis-à-vis du Magistrat instructeur Joseph Jeudilien FANFAN. Invité par le doyen à faire le retrait de ses graves propos contre un collègue Magistrat, le Juge Ikenson EDUME a catégoriquement refusé.

Dans l’après-midi du 18 décembre 2012, une délégation du Réseau National de Défense des Droits Humains (RNDDH) a rencontré le Magistrat instructeur Joseph Jeudilien FANFAN qui a confirmé les menaces dont il est l’objet, ce, depuis le lundi 17 décembre 2012.

Honorables Membres du CSPJ

Les organisations de promotion et de défense des droits humains tiennent à rappeler à votre attention que le Magistrat Ikenson EDUME est un ancien suppléant Juge de Paix de Delmas révoqué pour malversations le 5 août 2010 par l’ex-Ministre de la Justice et de la Sécurité Publique Paul DENIS. En effet, ce Magistrat, par son fonctionnement, remplaçait le greffe. De plus, était impliqué dans le détournement, à Delmas, de corps du délit (bijoux volés, argent, volailles, etc.) et la libération de plusieurs prévenus contre des versements de pots de vin.

Mécontent, le Juge de Paix titulaire de Delmas d’alors, Me Al Duniel DIMANCHE, aujourd’hui Juge d’Instruction près le Tribunal de Première Instance de Port-au- Prince, demanda au Juge Ikenson EDUME de mettre fin à ces pratiques malsaines et de laisser le greffe jouer son rôle. Il s’en est suivi une altercation entre les deux (2) Magistrats et l’intervention du Parquet de Port-au-Prince à travers le substitut Commissaire du Gouvernement d’alors Berge O. SURPRIS.

Suite aux rapports reçus au Ministère de la Justice et de la Sécurité Publique contre Me Ikenson EDUME, il a été décidé de le renvoyer pour malversations. Il est revenu dans le système en catimini en juillet 2012 à la faveur des nominations irrégulières réalisées par l’actuel Ministre de la Justice et de la Sécurité Publique, Me Jean Renel SANON et a recommencé à travailler en octobre 2012.

Aujourd’hui, c’est ce Magistrat qui profère des menaces sur la personne du Juge d’Instruction Joseph Jeudilien FANFAN en charge de l’affaire Marie Danielle BERNADIN contre Josué PIERRE-LOUIS.
Honorables Membres du CSPJ

Le cas du Magistrat Ikenson EDUME est prévu et puni par le Code Pénal haïtien. De plus, c’est sur la base de l’article 22 de la Loi créant le Conseil Supérieur du Pouvoir Judiciaire que les organisations de promotion et de défense des droits humains signataires de la présente saisissent votre organe. En effet, cet article stipule qu’« En matière disciplinaire, le Conseil Supérieur du Pouvoir Judiciaire est saisi :

• Soit par le Ministre de la Justice et de la Sécurité Publique ;

• Soit par le Doyen du Tribunal Civil, en ce qui concerne les magistrats du siège en poste dans le
ressort de son tribunal et pour les juges du 
Tribunal de Paix ;

• Soit par le Président de la Cour d’Appel, en ce qui concerne les 
magistrats du siège en poste dans le ressort de sa cour ;

• Soit, selon les modalités énoncées à l’article suivant, par toute personne estimant avoir été directement victime du comportement d’un magistrat susceptible d’engager sa responsabilité disciplinaire. »

De plus, le procès-verbal de l’assemblée générale des Juges du Tribunal de Première Instance de Port-au-Prince tenue le 18 décembre 2012 et relatant les menaces du Juge Ikenson EDUME contre le Juge d’Instruction Joseph Jeudilien FANFAN est un élément de preuve tangible, établissant les menaces susmentionnées.

Honorables Membres du CSPJ,

La justice, pour être efficace et crédible, doit être indépendante des pouvoirs exécutif et législatif ainsi que des parties et des forces sociopolitiques et économiques. La justice doit être aussi indépendante par rapport aux individus corrompus et aux délinquants, quels qu’ils soient.
Pourquoi, ayant pour mission principale d’enquêter, de dénoncer et de saisir les autorités compétentes sur les cas de violation de droits humains, les organisations de promotion et de défense des droits humains, signataires de la présente, portent, par devant vous, ces faits qui constituent un exemple des cas typiques de pressions et de menaces qui entravent généralement les enquêtes des Magistrats instructeurs.

Les organisations de promotion et de défense des droits humains signataires de la présente vous exhortent donc à prendre des mesures conservatoires à l’encontre du Magistrat Ikenson EDUME et vous encouragent vivement à porter le Ministère de la Justice et de la Sécurité Publique à prendre toutes les dispositions nécessaires et urgentes afin de garantir la sécurité du Juge et Juge d’instruction Me Joseph Jeudilien FANFAN. Espérant que prompte suite sera donnée à la présente, les organisations de promotion et de défense des droits humains signataires de la présente, vous prient de recevoir Honorables Membres du CSPJ, l’expression de leurs respectueux hommages.

Liste des Organisations signataires :

• Réseau National de Défense des Droits Humains (RNDDH)

• Plateforme des Organisations Haïtiennes de Droits Humains (POHDH)

• Solidarite Fanm Ayisyèn (SOFA)

• Kay Fanm

Pour authentification :

Antonal MORTIME
Secrétaire Exécutif POHDH

Friday, November 30, 2012

Letter from Haiti

Letter from Haiti 


By Michael Deibert


The Huffington Post

(Please read the original article here)


During late November, the clouds hung low over Port-au-Prince, pregnant with the threat of rain. When it did issue forth, life in Haiti's overpopulated capital, partially destroyed in a January 2010 earthquake but still vibrant between the Caribbean Sea and looming mountains, continued irrepressibly on. Moto-taxi drivers plied the streets in their jaunty raincoats, and people continued hawking anything there was to sell under any surface providing shelter from the deluge.

In the middle of one Saturday afternoon, with clouds rumbling down from the mountainside, a group of about 200 young men commandeered the central Place St. Pierre square in the tony suburb of Petionville, halting traffic and periodically hurling bottles in various directions (one of which shattered at my feet). The lads thumped their chests for about three hours before moving on. Their message was that life was too expensive for people in Haiti and that Haiti's President Michel Martelly, whom they said they had previously supported, wasn't doing enough to ameliorate the situation.

Martelly, in his previous life perhaps the most well-known (and most frequently cross-dressing) purveyor of the sinuous Haitian music known as konpa and popularly known as Sweet Micky or Tèt Kale (Bald Head), was not even in the country at the time, a fact not lost on the protesters.

In office since May 2011, Martelly was winding up a long trip to Europe during which he addressed the European Parliament, attended the Ibero-American Summit in Spain and met with the Pope at the Vatican. He was even absent from Haiti during the must-attend 18 November anniversary of the Battle of Vertières, the 1803 clash during which the rebel Haitian army defeated the French near the northern city of Cap-Haïtien and thus paved the way for Haiti's declaration of independence soon thereafter.

"He wants to work well for the people," said a middle-aged taxi driver named Jackson plying the road near the airport, summing up popular sentiment. "But the problem is his entourage."

Elected to succeed René Préval, the only democratically-elected president in Haiti's 208 year history to finish his term in office (a feat the wily, white-bearded Préval managed twice), the political novice Martelly inherited a to-do list that would have daunted even the most skilled politico.

Much of the country's capital was leveled and some 200,000 people believed killed in the January 2010 earthquake, which at one point had left at least 1.5 million people homeless. Tent encampments dotted the capital and its environs and a cholera epidemic, almost certainly brought to the country by the rather-unloved UN peacekeeping mission in place since the 2004 ouster of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, has thus far killed more than 7,500 people.

The most basic services and healthcare remain out of reach of much of the nation's 10 million inhabitants, scattered in far-off provincial districts reached by badly decayed roads. A gradual diminution of Haiti's security situation since the tumultuous ballot that led to Martelly's election culminated last month with the spectacular arrest of Clifford Brandt, scion of one of Haiti's wealthiest families, as the alleged mastermind behind a long-running kidnapping ring.

Also arrested as part of the gang was the commander of a security unit from Martelly's National Palace (there has been no suggestion the president himself was involved), who entered prison as Calixte Valentin, a Martelly advisor accused of murder, exited it. Former members of the country's army, demobilized but not constitutionally disbanded by Aristide in 1995, continue to agitate for the force's reinstatement despite the existence of a police force - the Police Nationale d'Haïti or PNH - currently numbering some 10,000 recruits. A battle over the composition of the country's electoral council has raged for months.

"A stabilization process is taking place albeit a fragile one," says Mariano Fernández, the Chilean diplomat who heads the UN's peacekeeping mission, known by its acronym MINUSTAH, which is envisioned to be scaled back to around 6,300 military personnel in coming months. "We continue planning to reduce and reconfigure MINUSTAH in the coming years depending on the stability of the conditions."

The last caveat is an important one. Haiti's security forces have enjoyed a steadily-improving reputation since the 2006 inauguration of Martelly's predecessor Préval. It has been a marked change from Aristide's 2001-2004 tenure, when politically-connected partisans were inserted into the PNH regardless of their competency or culpability in various crimes, or that of a 2004-2006 interim government when police often made little distinction between armed pro-Aristide gangs and ordinary residents of the capital's poorer neighborhoods.

Until recently, the PNH were headed by Mario Andrésol, widely regarded as one of the most honest and competent officials in the country and who was replaced by Gotson Aurélus in August. Since then, something of a delicate realignment has been taking place. It is widely believed that Secretary of State for Public Security Reginald Delva exercises more operational control over the PNH than Minister of Justice Jean Renel Sanon, his nominal boss. A former senator, Joseph Lambert, now a Martelly advisor, is also spoken of as wielding influence beyond what one would expect.

Though the Brandt arrest was greeted with a gasp in much of the international community (this is, after all, the strata of society most international actors interact with) in Haiti the view was more circumspect.

"The bourgeois control the police with their money, and a lot of police officers also provide security for businesses and the private sector because there is no control, and they can receive more money for their work," says Pierre Espérance, the Executive Director of the Réseau National de Défense des Droits Humains, Haiti's most prominent human rights organization. "Each kidnapping gang has its connection with the police."

Despite such realities, one of Martelly's chief plans of attack appears to be an attempt to re-band Haiti and change its relentlessly negative image from a place solely of natural disaster, coups, misery and death to one of a place open to investment and boasting a vibrant and tourist-friendly culture.

Though this approach has been rather too smugly sneered at by the international chattering class that comments on Haiti, most people I spoke with in the country actually saw its value and supported it in principle, even if they didn't quite understand why the president was spending so much time abroad.

There is some evidence that Martelly's approach may be succeeding. The president, ever the extrovert natural showman, would seem a perfect fit for such a campaign. In July, the president even declared a three day out-of-season Carnaval des fleurs (Carnival of Flowers) designed to highlight the country's flair for music and pageantry. The camps from the central part of the capital have mostly been cleared, but with some to their inhabitants relocated to a windswept moonscape situated on denuded land on a road leading north out of the city

A new industrial park in the country's north - which itself has hardly been free from controversy - was opened in October, with, among others, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and British billionaire Richard Branson in attendance. The lure of potential gold reserves in northern Haiti has brought a number of international mining companies, some with questionable records, to stake claims on huge swathes of land, creating economic potential but only of the most fraught kind.

Though the vast overpopulation of the capital - a consequence in part of international economic policies inflicted upon Haiti - helped lead to the vast death toll from the earthquake, the decentralization of economic and political power from Port-au-Prince still remains an agonizingly slow and complex process. Privately, many in Haiti's business community, intensely nationalistic at heart despite their comfortable economic status, complain the country has been "invaded" by foreign companies and non-governmental organizations.

In some economically struggling communities, the feeling is one of hopes delayed if not dashed entirely.

"We liked Martelly and we thought he would help a lot of people," says Pè Nico, a diminutive young man whose moniker ("Father Nico") belies his youthful appearance. "But this neighborhood has always been forgotten."

Pushing 30 years old but looking barely into his 20s and resplendent in a Miami Heat baseball cap, Pè Nico leads an armed faction in the capital's quartier populaire of St. Martin, an area of deeply-rutted roads and at times precarious-looking structures from which the PNH and MINUSTAH appear completely absent.

Pè Nico's baz say they voted - "99%" in their words - for Martelly. In their neighborhood, once a war zone and still subject to occasional bouts of violence, residents have been tending to the Partnership for Peace and Prosperity in Saint Martin, under whose aegis members of the private sector operating in the zone and local community leaders have sought dialogue and improvement in living conditions there. The two sides began talking in 2007 and, even through the earthquake and after, they are still talking. It is perhaps a hopeful sign.

I had known Martelly very slightly in his previous life as Sweet Micky. We spent a memorable evening more than a decade ago cruising through Port-au-Prince in his SUV with a loaded pistol between us as he bemoaned the state of Haiti and the irresponsibility of its leaders both political and economic, a scene depicted in a book I later wrote about the country.

When I visited Haiti in August 2011, just after Martelly's election, I found popular support for the colorful, eccentric president among the pep la, as Haiti's struggling class (which is to say almost everybody) is known, still high.

Despite the eroding of that hope when confronted with the immense challenge of governing Haiti and his own missteps, Haitians still seem to be giving Martelly the benefit of the doubt.
So many factors - rising food prices, civil unrest underwritten by various malefactors, another natural calamity - could change that. But in a country whose leaders have often promoted themselves through terror and abuse, Martelly - whose signature colour is pink - has offered something of a change of tone, however unorthodox.

On my last day in Haiti, purely by chance, my path overlapped with that of Michel Martelly.

Waiting at the airport to board my flight home, I saw Martelly's American Airlines plane fly in from Miami. As if on cue and so apt for a showman, the cloudy gloom that had plagued the capital for days broke and rays of brilliant golden sunshine spilled out of a blue sky. Diplomats, Haitian police officers in their crisp khaki uniforms and every airport worker that could sneak away from their job were standing there to greet him. He was going to be inaugurating a new arrival hall, they told me, then this week he would be leaving again, this time for Cuba.

Martelly disembarked from the plane, his bald head and smiling visage visible among the mostly smaller Haitians.

They cheered.


Michael Deibert's forthcoming book, Democratic Republic of Congo: Between Hope and Despair, will be published by Zed Books in cooperation with the Royal African Society, the International African Institute and the Social Science Research Council. His previous book, Notes from the Last Testament: The Struggle for Haiti (Seven Stories Press, 2005), was praised by the Miami Herald as "a powerfully documented exposé" and by the San Antonio Express-News as "a compelling mix of reportage, memoir and social criticism."