Tuesday, April 15, 2014

Haiti's Association Nationale des Médias Haïtiens criticizes trend of authoritarianism of Martelly government vis-a-vis the press


L’ANMH rejette le recours systématique à l’autoritarisme par rapport aux pratiques de presse

"C’est dans la sérénité que nous devons traiter chaque situation..."

Publié le lundi 14 avril 2014

Radio Kiskeya

(Read the original here

L’Association Nationale des Médias Haïtiens (ANMH) observe avec inquiétude la tendance systématique de recours du pouvoir à l’autoritarisme vis-à-vis des pratiques de presse.

Dans son discours d’investiture, le nouveau Ministre de la Communication, Monsieur Roudy Hériveaux qui, de l’avis général, doit particulièrement aux médias sa projection et son maintien sur la scène politique, a clairement menacé ces derniers dont il dit pourtant reconnaitre les mérites.

Dans la même logique, le Conseil National des Télécommunications (CONATEL) fait un << rappel à l’ordre >> à des médias qui s’adonneraient << systématiquement à la désinformation >>. S’agit-il de simples coïncidences ? Quelle que soit la réponse à cette interrogation, l’ANMH, la corporation des journalistes, l’opinion publique sensible à la sauvegarde des acquis en matière de liberté d’expression doivent être hautement préoccupés par ces manifestations anti-démocratiques, signaux avant-coureurs de graves menaces sur les conquêtes obtenues au prix de longues luttes citoyennes.

La presse haïtienne, dans sa diversité, a joué un rôle d’avant-garde dans la diffusion des valeurs universelles et dans le renforcement de la démocratie. L’ouverture démocratique initiée le 7 février 1986 à la fin de trente années environ de régime autoritaire, a eu pour conséquence de plonger toute la société, du jour au lendemain, dans la jouissance de libertés étouffées pendant trois décennies. La presse, comme guide, n’a pas échappé à cette période d’apprentissage. De son travail dépend l’évolution du nouveau système.

La jouissance de toute liberté peut entrainer des excès. Car, comme l’a observé Alexis de Tocqueville, dans son ouvrage de référence « De la Démocratie en Amérique »

« En matière de presse, il n’y a pas de milieu entre la servitude et la licence. Pour recueillir les biens inestimables qu’assure la liberté de la presse, il faut savoir se soumettre aux maux inévitables qu’elle fait naître. Vouloir obtenir les uns en échappant aux autres, c’est se livrer à l’une de ces illusions dont se bernent d’ordinaire les nations malades... qui cherchent les moyens de faire coexister à la fois sur le même sol, des opinions ennemies et des principes contraires »

On ne saurait renoncer à la jouissance d’une liberté, parce que, soi-disant, elle est violée. C’est en prévoyant la façon de contrer les dérives que l’on préserve la continuité de la jouissance des garanties reconnues par la Constitution et par les lois.

En Haïti, les autorités doivent bien comprendre que notre peuple ne reviendra pas en arrière par rapport aux acquis démocratiques. C’est aux autorités de s’adapter à cette réalité en consolidant l’État de droit, en fortifiant les institutions. Les réflexes autoritaires face au constat de dérives réelles ou prétendues, doivent être abandonnés. L’expérience démocratique en cours est le seul cadre de référence viable pour maintenir notre pays sur la voie du changement. Et, Les premiers qui doivent changer, ce sont nos dirigeants.

La liberté de la presse est au service de la liberté d’expression. C’est dans la sérénité que nous devons traiter chaque situation, en évitant de porter préjudice au travail d’une corporation qui est au centre du débat démocratique et qui s’efforce d’être chaque jour, à la hauteur de sa mission et des attentes de la population.

Il est du devoir des autorités, dans toutes les sphères d’action, de comprendre la mission de la presse, le service inestimable qu’elle rend tous les jours à la société, pour faciliter le débat entre les différents acteurs. Toute volonté de désigner la presse du doigt de manière injustifiée, ne peut qu’aggraver d’inutiles tensions provoquées par de mauvais précédents. Et la suspicion légitime vis-à-vis de toute tentation autoritaire pourrait compromettre la participation de la population à la vie démocratique à partir de la plateforme des médias.

La liberté de la presse, nous le répétons, est un corollaire de la liberté d’expression dans un pays où la population, ayant reconquis les prérogatives de s’exprimer sur ses affaires, n’entend plus revenir au temps du silence imposé par la seule volonté d’un pouvoir de la zombifier.

Les dépositaires et gardiens des libertés publiques doivent agir à tout moment dans le respect des normes et des principes pour enlever aux contempteurs desdites libertés, tout prétexte de remise en question. Il y va de la démocratie, de la stabilité de notre société et de la continuité de cette belle expérience pour le renforcement d’acquis multiples pour lesquels, notre pays a payé un prix fort.

Liliane Pierre-Paul
Présidente de l’ANMH.

Friday, April 11, 2014

Haiti: In the Kingdom of Impunity

Haiti: In the Kingdom of Impunity 

By Michael Deibert

There are many striking sights to be seen in Haiti today. In the north of the country, where over 200 years ago a revolt of slaves began that would eventually topple French rule, a 45-minute journey on a smooth road traverses the distance between the border with the Dominican Republic and Haiti's second largest city, Cap-Haïtien, replacing what used to be a multi-hour ordeal. From Cap-Haïtien itself, a city buzzing with economic activity, travel to Port-au-Prince, the nation's capital, could previously be a 10-hour odyssey, but is now accomplished in around 5 hours via a comfortable air-conditioned bus. Once the traveler arrives in Port-au-Prince itself - a city which, along with its environs, was largely devastated by a January 2010 earthquake - one finds, startlingly, functioning traffic lights, street lights powered by solar panels and armies of apron-clad workers diligently sweeping the sidewalks and gutters of what has historically been the filthy fiefdom of Haiti's myriad of warring political factions. To the south, in the colonial city of Jacmel, which sheltered the South American revolutionary Simón Bolívar at a critical time during his struggle to break South America free from the yoke of Spain, one of the most pleasant malecóns in the Caribbean has been built, facing the tumbling sea and mountains sloping dramatically in the distance.

But perhaps no scene in the new Haiti - governed since May 2011 by President Michel Martelly, now assisted by Prime Minister Laurent Lamothe, a former telecommunications mogul - was as striking as that which occurred in the northern city of Gonaives on January 1st of this year. There, at annual ceremony marking Haiti's independence, President Martelly, who in a previous incarnation was known as Sweet Micky and was perhaps the best-known purveyor of Haiti's sinuous konpa music, greeted on the official dais none other than Jean-Claude Duavlier, who ruled Haiti as a dictator from 1971 until 1986, and fled the country amid pillaging of the state and gross human rights abuses.

"Despite everything that has happened in the last 30 years, it is as if they want us to return to the situation that existed before February 7, 1986," says Laënnec Hurbon, Haiti's most well-known sociologist, referring to the date of Duvalier's departure.

Duvalier had taken over from his dictator-father, François Duvalier, a psychopath who lorded over a terrifying police state since 1957, and had created the infamous Tontons Macoutes, denim-clad paramilitary henchmen.

The younger Duvalier was only 19 when he ascended to office, but he grew into the role soon enough. In a speech in October 1977 - the 20th anniversary of his father's assumption of the presidency - the 24 year-old Jean-Claude Duvalier gave a speech in which he heralded the advent of "Jean-Claudism," supposedly a liberalizing trend in Duvalierism that would foster economic development. The near-fatal beating of a prominent government critic, Pastor Luc Nerée, only weeks later gave a flavour for how limited that liberalization would be. Fort Dimanche, a Port-au-Prince prison, during the Duvaliers' reign became known as the Dungeon of Death for the thousands of government opponents and other unfortunate souls who perished there.

In a landmark decision last month, a Haitian court ruled that Duvalier could be tried for crimes against humanity and for abuses committed by security forces during his rule, but deferred a decision as to whether he could be tried on various corruption charges.

"The Duvalier decision is a little victory against impunity and corruption," says Pierre Espérance, director of the Réseau National de Défense des Droits Humains (RNDDH), Haiti's most well-known human rights organization. "But we still have a lot of work to do."

Along with several other organizations, RNDDH is a member of the Collectif contre l'impunité, a coalition of groups advocating for legal action against Duvalier.

Duvalier is far from the only Haitian politician with a trial potentially in his future. The former boy dictator, now grown gray and sallow in old age, returned to Haiti in January 2011 in the midst of the contentious vote that saw Martelly elected. He was followed by another former president, and arch-rival, Jean-Bertrand Aristide.

During his 2001 to 2004 second turn in office and immediately preceding it, Aristide was accused of, among other misdeeds, arming and organizing paramilitary youth groups known as chimeres, presiding over brutal collective reprisals by his security forces against the rebellious city of Gonaives, and a ghastly massacre in the town of Saint-Marc in February 2004, the latter killings by a combination of police, security personnel from Aristide's National Palace and allied street gangs having claimed at least 27 lives. In recent testimony presented in a Haitian court, Aristide was also accused of orchestrating the April 2000 murder of Jean Dominique, the country's most well-known journalist. Two separate bodies - the Unite Centrale de Renseignements Financiers (UCREF) and the Commission d'Enquete Administrative - that examined financial irregularities from Aristide's time as Haiti's president found that "Aristide's government illegally pumped at least $21 million of his country's meager public funds into private firms that existed only on paper and into his charities."

Nor can those tasked with checking the power of the executive branch be viewed with great confidence, with Haiti's legislative branch of government often resembling a prison more than a parliament.

Two members of Haiti's lower house of parliament, the Chamber of Deputies, Rodriguez Séjour and  N'Zounaya Bellange Jean-Baptiste (who as parliamentarians enjoy immunity from prosecution), have been credibly accused of involvement of the April 2012 murder of Haitian police officer Walky Calixte, but both men remain free with apparent little fear of trial or even arrest. In the slain policeman's Port-au-Prince neighborhood of Carrefour, mournful graffiti still reads Adieu, Walky. Another deputy, fierce Martelly critic Arnel Belizaire, is alleged by the government to have managed to get himself elected despite the fact that he was a fugitive who had broken out of jail a few years before [What is beyond debate is that Belizaire is prone to bouts of physical violence in the parliament itself].

One of President Martelly's chief advisors, Calixte Valentin, was identified as being responsible for the killing of a merchant named Octanol Dérissaint in the town of Fonds-Parisien, near the border with the Dominican Republic, in April 2012. Valentin was never tried for the crime and remains a free man to this day.

It is amid such a discordant background - foreign investment flooding into the country as never before in terms of tourist initiatives and industrial parks even as Haiti's politic milieu remains deeply dysfunctional - that long-delayed legislative elections for two-thirds of the country's senate, the entire chamber of deputies, and local and municipal officials such as mayors are scheduled to take place in October. Several political parties have not as-yet signed on to the electoral plan.

"There are a few parties who chose not to participate, but it was an open process," says Carl Alexandre, Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General in the United Nations peacekeeping mission in Haiti, known by its acronym MINUSTAH. "It is our hope that those who didn't participate initially will want to join as the process unfolds, because the alternative is unthinkable. If the elections are not held this year, in January there will not be a functioning parliament. There will be no one there."

[The UN mission in Haiti has had its own issues with impunity. A cholera epidemic, all-but-certainly introduced by Nepalese peacekeepers, has killed over 8,000 people in the country, but the UN has claimed immunity from any damages.]

Around the country, the Martelly-Lamothe government seems to remain broadly popular, with one moto taxi driver plying Port-au-Prince's dusty Route de Freres telling me "they are working well for Haiti," a sentiment I heard often in my travels around the country. This despite the fact that  - from the crowds in Gonaives chanting "Martelly for 50 years!" to the huge billboards around the country bearing Martelly's image (in violation of Article 7 of Haiti's constitution, which bans "effigies and names of living personages" from "currency, stamps, seals, public buildings, streets or works of art") -  the government seems to have by no means entirely abandoned the realpolitik of Haiti's past. As they once did for Aristide, graffiti slogans around Port-au-Prince laud the bèl ekip (beautiful team) of Martelly-Lamothe.

Haiti's economy is indeed moving - even roaring - forward, but the old need for a mechanism for crime and punishment of the country's powerful keeps knocking on Haiti's door, unbidden, perhaps unwanted, but there nonetheless. In a marriage of impunity and economy, perhaps the echoes of Jean-Claudism do not appear so distant after all.

"We are talking about the situation of impunity that has been the rule since François Duvalier came to power in 1957, and something has to be done to stop that," says Sylvie Bajeux, director of the Centre Œcuménique des droits humains (CEDH), who also served as one of the officials who investigated Aristide's alleged financial misdeeds. Like RNDDH, the CEDH is a member of the Collectif contre l'impunité. "If we don't, we are going nowhere, we cannot talk about reconstruction."

"Jean-Claude Duvalier's case has become the symbol for the need to put an end to impunity," Bajeux  says. "He's being charged with monstrous deeds. So what is going to happen? What happens with Duvalier's case is something that will affect the whole future of this country, one way or another."

Michael Deibert is the author of In the Shadow of Saint Death: The Gulf Cartel and the Price of America's Drug War in Mexico (Lyons Press, 2014), The Democratic Republic of Congo: Between Hope and Despair (Zed Books, 2013) and Notes from the Last Testament: The Struggle for Haiti (Seven Stories Press, 2005).

Monday, March 31, 2014

Exploring the world of Haitian vodou

The Miami Herald

Posted on Sun, Mar. 02, 2014

Exploring the world of Haitian vodou   

By Michael Deibert

(Read the original article here)

Mimerose Beaubrun's book Nan Dòmi: An Initiate's Journey into Haitian Vodou — the first part of the title refers to a spiritual state — is a welcome addition to the canon of vodou scholarship, a deeply felt inside account of a faith of often daunting complexity.

Beaubrun is one of the leaders of the Haitian vodou-rock band Boukman Eksperyans — named for one of the heroes of Haiti's revolution — which features music that combines propulsive vodou drumming with Jimi Hendrix-like guitar runs. Beaubrun came to the religion as a trained anthropologist, but as the narrative makes clear, she soon found a deeper and more fundamental connection to it.

Often given short shrift by journalists and others seeking to understand Haiti's turbulent political history, the vodou faith has been pivotal at many critical times in Haiti’s development, including during its long struggle for independence from France. Its relevance continues into the present day, when watchful eyes can discern subtle vodou imagery among Haiti's politicians. Vodou remains at the center of the daily experience for many in the country, its complex web of deities and rituals throbbing through life like the plangent sound of a rada drum beating in the tropical night.

Over the years, outstanding books have been written about Haiti's distinctive blend of African religious faith and European-derived ceremonial flourish.  In 1953, the Russian-American avant-garde filmmaker Maya Deren published Divine Horsemen: The Living Gods of Haiti, a companion piece to her film of the same title, which chronicled four years of research into the faith. Five years later, the Swiss anthropologist Alfred Metraux published Voodoo in Haiti, in large part the result of his travels around the country with the great Haitian author Jacques Roumain. They documented vodou traditions for Haiti's Bureau d’Ethnologie, which Roumain had established to legitimize the study of Haiti's peasant traditions.

To this tradition Beaubrun makes her contribution. Among her first-person accounts of possession and other interior aspects of the faith, readers are treated to a tapestry of invocations, consumption of esoteric, perhaps hallucinogenic, concoctions, lots of drumming, dancing and chanting. Some of the direct descriptions of vodou goings-on may seem esoteric to the point of magic realism to the lay reader, and the book could have used a heavier, more explanatory editorial hand. Many readers may be left wondering what a “caco” (basically an armed peasant rebel) is, for example, but the intimacy with which Beaubrun relates her strange tale gives a unique immediacy to the book.

Beaubrun does not present her story in an overtly political context. But a shadow of Haiti's fratricidal political battles is apparent when one of Beaubrun's vodou mentors tells her that “each living being is a warrior and he is alone in combat. Depending on his magical force . . . to undertake battle, he will be the victor or the loser.”

At one point in the narrative, one member of Haiti’s vodou pantheon — said to have been a Carib chieftain on the pre-colonial island — is said to have prophesied that Haiti was “going to experience two hundred years of tribulations” but “she will not perish.” In the faith documented in Nan Dòmi, the reader begins to get a flavor for how such a seemingly benighted place could have endured for so long. 

Michael Deibert is the author of The Democratic Republic of Congo: Between Hope and Despair.

Friday, February 7, 2014

February 7: A symbol of the rejection of dictatorship

Press release

February 7: A symbol of the rejection of dictatorship


Collectif contre l’impunité/Collective against impunity 

Platform for legal action against ex dictator Jean-Claude Duvalier et al with support from human rights organizations: 

Ecumenical center for human rights (CEDH) 

Kay Fanm (Women’s house)    

Haitian women’s movement for education and development (MOUFHED) 

National human rights network (RNDDH) 

Communication: Centre œcuménique des droits humains (CEDH)

February 7, 1986, when the Duvalier dynasty is overthrown, is the end result of many long and terrible years of struggle that cost the lives of thousands of Haitians.

After the brutal repression of November 28, 1980, which had particularly targeted the press, the population is once more excluded. The flame of resistance is revived in 1984 by young people, in particular those of the city of Gonaïves, who express their rejection of the hereditary presidency and the absolute power that it entails: «Down with poverty for life! Down with unemployment for life ! Down with torture! Down with dictatorship!» It is the outrage of wounded young people that brings the last blows to a regime which still dares to transform the only library in a city into barracks for the Tonton macoutes. 

The rejection of impunity, for the crimes perpetrated against three schoolboys, Jean-Robert Cius, Makenson Michel, and Daniel Israël, shot down during the November 28 1985 demonstrations in Gonaives, spearheads riots throughout the country. «The criminals who murdered the three boys should be arrested, tried and condemned as well as those who ordered to open fire on the population, even if it is one of the highest authorities of the State.»

These young people aspired to finally «see duvalierism uprooted forever.»

28 years after this victory over terror and obscurantism, it is again necessary to confront and stop the official return of duvalierism. It is again necessary to fight the will to ensure impunity for those who imposed silence and fear on our land, for those who systematically put in place that diabolical machine to  degrade, torture, assassinate, violate, exile, dispossess, and make so many disappear. They want to make today’s young people believe that the so called «Duvalierist revolution» was carrying ideals of freedom, fulfillment and progress. They want to disguise history in claiming that the regime ─anchored in the arbitrary, in savage brutality, oppression, the cult of personality, the domestication of the institutions and terror─ was no different than any government. 

The Collective and others, here in Haiti and elsewhere, are determined to continue to reject the unacceptable. In the name of truth and justice; in memory of our innumerable victims; in homage to the resistance of all the young people who, throughout these 29 years of dictatorship, went to the frontline to defend our right to freedom. To reject the unacceptable is to keep alive the spirit of February 7. 

Duvalierism was a tragedy for Haiti!  Impunity cannot be the destiny of Haiti!

Port-au-Prince, February 7, 2014

Daniele Magloire

Coordinator

Thursday, January 23, 2014

Judge in Jean Dominique case threatened

The Haiti Press Network is reporting that Yvickel Dabrésil, the judge investigating the murder of journalist Jean Dominique and Radio Haiti caretaker Jean-Claude Louissant, has been threatened since the case dossier was made public, and that American authorities are being asked to locate former Lavalas senator and Aristide Foundation for Democracy head Mirlande Libérus so she can face charges in Haiti (she is believed to be in the US at present). Also voiced is confusion as to why Aristide himself has not yet been charged.  The article (in French) can be read here.

Readers will remember that more than a decade ago, investigating judge Claudy Gassant was driven from the country after threats were made against him and his security was removed, telling Newsday at the time that "with President Jean-Bertrand Aristide nothing will happen precisely because he has done everything to block any effort to find  who was involved in killing Jean Dominique." [Full article available here]

Let's hope this scenario does not also play out this time around.

Monday, January 20, 2014

"Depositions...support the theory that Aristide himself ordered" April 2000 murder of Haiti journalist Jean Dominique

Nine indicted for radio journalist Jean Dominique’s murder 14 years ago

Published on Monday 20 January 2014

Reporters Without Borders

(Read the original article here)

Reporters Without Borders responds with a mix of satisfaction and prudence to the news that nine people were indicted on 18 January in connection with Radio Haïti Inter owner Jean Dominique’s April 2000 shooting murder, in which the radio station’s security guard, Jean-Claude Louissaint, was also killed.

“We welcome this major judicial step, one that was quite unexpected after years of paralysis and impunity in a case that was handled successively by seven investigating judges,” Reporters Without Borders said.

“The investigation was relaunched on 8 May 2013 when former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, who is reportedly linked to the nine accused, was questioned as a witness. The different degrees of responsibility must now be established with precision on the basis of the depositions of these nine people. Everyone’s cooperation is needed for this case to proceed. The truth must finally emerge, 14 years after Dominique’s murder.

“Like SOS Journaliste, we urge the authorities to do take the necessary steps to ensure that Myrlande Lubérisse appears in court in Haiti. A former senator for Aristide’s Fanmi Lavalas party, she is named in Judge Yvikel Dabrésil’s report as the person who ordered Dominique’s murder. The authorities in the United States, where she now resides, should authorize her extradition if required.”

The indictments that Judge Dabrésil passed to the Port-au-Prince appeal court on 18 January also named former Port-au-Prince deputy mayor Harold Sévère and former Lavalas organizer and Vaudou priestess Anne “Sò Ann” Augustin, as well as alleged henchmen Frantz “Franco” Camille, Toussaint Mercidieu, Mérité Milien, Dimsley “Ti Lou” Milien (now dead, according to some sources), Jeudi “Guimy” Jean-Daniel and Markington Michel.

The last three escaped from prison in February 2005 after two years in detention.

The Dominique murder case has been politically very sensitive because of the alleged links to the polarizing figure of Aristide, who returned to Haiti in March 2011 after years in exile.

Some of the depositions taken by judges and incorporated into the 18 January report, including the deposition of former Aristide security chief Oriel Jean, support the theory that Aristide himself ordered Dominique’s murder because he posed a obstacle to Aristide’s return to power.



L’ancien président Aristide aurait ordonné l’assassinat de Jean Dominique/Neuf inculpations, dont celle de Mirlande Libérus Pavert, très proche de l’ancien leader lavalas  

Publié le vendredi 17 janvier 2014 

Radio Kiskyea

(Read the original article here)

Neuf personnes, dont des proches de l’ancien président Jean-Bertrand Aristide, ont été officiellement inculpées dans le dossier de l’assassinat le 3 avril 2000, du directeur de Radio Haïti Inter, Jean Léopold Dominique, et d’un gardien de la station, Jean-Claude Louissaint.

La sénatrice Mirlande Libérus Pavert, résidant actuellement aux Etats-Unis, ex-responsable de la Fondation Aristide pour la démocratie et très proche de l’ancien président Lavalas, est considérée comme l’auteure intellectuelle de l’acte quoique, dans le rapport du magistrat, il est précisé que des témoins-clé, dont l’ex-chef de la sécurité de M. Aristide, Oriel Jean, ont affirmé au Cabinet d’Instruction que ce dernier avait déclaré en leur présence que Mme Libérus avait pour mission de réduire Jean Dominique au silence pour qu’il n’ait pas à contrarier son projet de retour au pouvoir en l’année 2000.

La prêtresse du vodou Annette Auguste, alias Sô Ann, militante lavalas alliée actuellement au président Michel J. Martelly, l’ancien maire adjoint de la capitale Gabriel Harold Sévère, les nommés Frantz Camille alias Franco Camille, Jeudy Jean Daniel, Markenton Michel, Mérité et Dimsley Milien, Toussaint Mercidieu figurent sur la liste des inculpés.

Dans le rapport du juge, Jean-Bertrand Aristide et son ex-chef de sécurité Oriel Jean, sont considérés comme des témoins importants. [jmd/RK]





Wednesday, January 8, 2014

Déclaration conjointe contre la présence de l’inculpé Jean-Claude Duvalier aux cérémonies officielles du jour de l’indépendance d’Haïti

Des organisations s’expriment contre la banalisation de l’impunité et le révisionnisme

Déclaration conjointe contre la présence de l’inculpé Jean-Claude Duvalier aux cérémonies officielles du jour de l’indépendance d’Haïti

Document soumis à AlterPresse le 7 janvier 2014

Nous signataires de cette déclaration, issus de la société civile haïtienne organisée, sommes profondément indignés par la présence du dictateur déchu Jean-Claude Duvalier et de l’ex militaire putschiste Prosper Avril, sur invitation du Président en exercice Michel Martelly, aux cérémonies officielles du jour de l’indépendance d’Haïti, le 1er janvier 2014 aux Gonaïves. Cette présence des anciens tortionnaires est une provocation et une insulte inqualifiable à la nation. Elle est également un affront à la mémoire des milliers de victimes de la dictature duvaliériste.    

Jean-Claude Duvalier est aujourd’hui inculpé, par devant la justice haïtienne, pour crimes financiers et crimes contre l’humanité. Les victimes, ayant engagées des poursuites contre l’ex-dictateur, attendent encore une décision de la Cour d’appel par rapport aux crimes contre l’humanité ; crimes imprescriptibles et non amnistiables.    

La justice ne saurait être confondue avec la vengeance. Ce sont les duvaliéristes et leurs tontons macoutes qui ont eu le monopole de la violence d’État, avec tout ce que cela implique. Ils sont jusqu’à présent protégés par l’impunité systémique qui prévaut dans le pays. Les victimes de la dictature et les défenseurs des droits humains, qui ne confondent pas réconciliation et déni de justice, s’insurgent contre la banalisation de l’impunité, le révisionnisme historique et exigent que la Cour d’appel rende enfin sa décision, conformément à son mandat et par respect pour les victimes qui ont courageusement porté plainte contre Duvalier.    

Nous appelons les différents secteurs de la société à refuser la réhabilitation du duvaliérisme et la banalisation de l’impunité.    

Port-au-Prince, le 7 janvier 2014.    

Organisations signataires 

1. Collectif contre l’impunité  2. CEDH (Centre œcuménique des droits humains) 

3. Centre Pétion Bolivar 

4. CRESFED (Centre de recherche et de formation économique et sociale pour le développement) 

5. GARR (Groupe d’appui aux rapatriés et réfugiés) 

6. Kay Fanm (Maison des femmes) 

7. JILAP (Commission épiscopale Justice et Paix) 

8. MOUFHED (Mouvement des femmes haïtiennes pour l’éducation et le développement) 

9. POHDH (Plateforme des organisations haïtiennes de défense des droits humains) 

10. RNDDH (Réseau national de défense des droits humains) 

11. SOFA (Solidarité des femmes haïtiennes)    

Pour les organisations signataires et authentification 

Sylvie W. Bajeux, Directrice exécutive CEDH 
Pierre Espérance, Directeur exécutif RNDDH