Communiqué from the Collectif contre l’impunité on death of Jean-Claude Duvalier

Communiqué
 
Le décès de Jean-Claude Duvalier ne dispense pas l’État haïtien de ses obligations

Une crise cardiaque a terrassé à mort le dictateur Jean-Claude Duvalier le samedi 4 octobre 2014. S’il n’y avait pas eu le renversement du régime le 7 février 1986, Haïti serait encore aujourd’hui sous la férule de la dynastie Duvalier puisque, selon les constitutions duvaliériennes de 1971, 1983 et 1985, le pouvoir était « à vie » et héréditaire. 

Sans ce frein du 7 février 1986, Jean-Claude Duvalier aurait été le chef de l’État jusqu’à sa mort  et son fils, François-Nicolas Duvalier, qui revendique publiquement l’héritage de son grand-père François Duvalier, lui aurait succédé. Ce faisant, nulle autre personne ne pourrait prétendre occuper la fonction présidentielle. Cette donnée semble échapper au Président de la République, Monsieur Michel Martelly, qui s’empresse de rendre hommage au dictateur déchu, en le qualifiant « d’authentique fils d’Haïti », et d’exprimer ses sympathies à ses partisans qui sont légion dans son entourage. Ainsi, pour la énième fois, la présidence tente d’imposer le silence et l’oubli, en bafouant la mémoire des milliers de victimes des 29 ans de dictature, en niant le droit peuple du haïtien à la vérité et à la justice.   

La mort de Jean-Claude Duvalier met certes un terme aux poursuites contre sa personne. Cependant, cela n’élimine en aucun cas la responsabilité des consorts, donc des individus qui ont contribué à ce que des crimes soient massivement perpétrés. Nombre de ces consorts sont vivants et sont nommément cités dans le réquisitoire du Ministère public, dans les dépositions des plaignantes et plaignants et dans celles de divers témoins. Le décès de Jean-Claude Duvalier ne peut servir de prétexte pour perpétuer l’impunité. L’État haïtien à toujours l’obligation d’enquêter et de sanctionner les coupables. Le gouvernement ne peut donc se borner à déclarer qu’il laisse la justice « suivre son cours », en ignorant délibérément le fait que les poursuites contre Jean-Claude Duvalier et consorts ont été initiées par l’État haïtien lui-même, pour crimes contre l’humanité et crimes financiers, et sans moindrement fournir au système judiciaire les moyens humains et matériels de réaliser les enquêtes. Le gouvernement ne peut non plus feindre d’ignorer l’impact des prises de position du Président de la République. L’affaire Jean-Claude Duvalier et consorts a été maintenue ouverte grâce à l’engagement des membres du Collectif contre l’impunité et d’autres plaignants représentés par le Bureau des avocats internationaux (BAI). 

 Une certaine rhétorique voudrait faire croire qu’une page est tournée avec le décès de l’ex tyran. Il n’en est rien, puisque les mécanismes de la dictature n’ont pas été mis en lumière, le bilan des exactions commises n’a pas été officiellement dressé, les responsabilités n’ont pas été dument établies, la vérité n’a pas éclaté au grand jour et le devoir de mémoire reste et demeure une absolue nécessité. C’est en continuant à livrer le difficile combat contre l’impunité que l’esprit de la constitution de 1987, fondée sur le refus de la dictature et le respect des droits humains, sera respecté et qu’Haïti pourra véritablement construire un État de droit démocratique.

Le combat continue!

5 octobre 2014

Danièle Magloire, Coordonnatrice



Collectif contre l’impunité

Regroupement de plaignants-es  -contre l’ex dictateur Jean-Claude Duvalier et consorts-  et d’organisations de droits humains

Centre œcuménique des droits humains (CEDH)   

Kay Fanm (Maison des femmes)   
 
Mouvement des femmes haïtiennes pour l’éducation et le développement (MOUFHED)  

Réseau national de défense des droits humains (RNDDH)
 
Point focal: Centre œcuménique des droits humains (CEDH)  -  cedh@cedh-haiti.org 


_________________________________
Visitez le site Haïti lute contre l’impunité: www.haitiluttecontre-impunite.org

Haiti: In the Kingdom of Impunity

Haiti: In the Kingdom of Impunity 

By Michael Deibert

There are many striking sights to be seen in Haiti today. In the north of the country, where over 200 years ago a revolt of slaves began that would eventually topple French rule, a 45-minute journey on a smooth road traverses the distance between the border with the Dominican Republic and Haiti's second largest city, Cap-Haïtien, replacing what used to be a multi-hour ordeal. From Cap-Haïtien itself, a city buzzing with economic activity, travel to Port-au-Prince, the nation's capital, could previously be a 10-hour odyssey, but is now accomplished in around 5 hours via a comfortable air-conditioned bus. Once the traveler arrives in Port-au-Prince itself - a city which, along with its environs, was largely devastated by a January 2010 earthquake - one finds, startlingly, functioning traffic lights, street lights powered by solar panels and armies of apron-clad workers diligently sweeping the sidewalks and gutters of what has historically been the filthy fiefdom of Haiti's myriad of warring political factions. To the south, in the colonial city of Jacmel, which sheltered the South American revolutionary Simón Bolívar at a critical time during his struggle to break South America free from the yoke of Spain, one of the most pleasant malecóns in the Caribbean has been built, facing the tumbling sea and mountains sloping dramatically in the distance.

But perhaps no scene in the new Haiti - governed since May 2011 by President Michel Martelly, now assisted by Prime Minister Laurent Lamothe, a former telecommunications mogul - was as striking as that which occurred in the northern city of Gonaives on January 1st of this year. There, at annual ceremony marking Haiti's independence, President Martelly, who in a previous incarnation was known as Sweet Micky and was perhaps the best-known purveyor of Haiti's sinuous konpa music, greeted on the official dais none other than Jean-Claude Duavlier, who ruled Haiti as a dictator from 1971 until 1986, and fled the country amid pillaging of the state and gross human rights abuses.

"Despite everything that has happened in the last 30 years, it is as if they want us to return to the situation that existed before February 7, 1986," says Laënnec Hurbon, Haiti's most well-known sociologist, referring to the date of Duvalier's departure.

Duvalier had taken over from his dictator-father, François Duvalier, a psychopath who lorded over a terrifying police state since 1957, and had created the infamous Tontons Macoutes, denim-clad paramilitary henchmen.

The younger Duvalier was only 19 when he ascended to office, but he grew into the role soon enough. In a speech in October 1977 - the 20th anniversary of his father's assumption of the presidency - the 24 year-old Jean-Claude Duvalier gave a speech in which he heralded the advent of "Jean-Claudism," supposedly a liberalizing trend in Duvalierism that would foster economic development. The near-fatal beating of a prominent government critic, Pastor Luc Nerée, only weeks later gave a flavour for how limited that liberalization would be. Fort Dimanche, a Port-au-Prince prison, during the Duvaliers' reign became known as the Dungeon of Death for the thousands of government opponents and other unfortunate souls who perished there.

In a landmark decision last month, a Haitian court ruled that Duvalier could be tried for crimes against humanity and for abuses committed by security forces during his rule, but deferred a decision as to whether he could be tried on various corruption charges.

"The Duvalier decision is a little victory against impunity and corruption," says Pierre Espérance, director of the Réseau National de Défense des Droits Humains (RNDDH), Haiti's most well-known human rights organization. "But we still have a lot of work to do."

Along with several other organizations, RNDDH is a member of the Collectif contre l'impunité, a coalition of groups advocating for legal action against Duvalier.

Duvalier is far from the only Haitian politician with a trial potentially in his future. The former boy dictator, now grown gray and sallow in old age, returned to Haiti in January 2011 in the midst of the contentious vote that saw Martelly elected. He was followed by another former president, and arch-rival, Jean-Bertrand Aristide.

During his 2001 to 2004 second turn in office and immediately preceding it, Aristide was accused of, among other misdeeds, arming and organizing paramilitary youth groups known as chimeres, presiding over brutal collective reprisals by his security forces against the rebellious city of Gonaives, and a ghastly massacre in the town of Saint-Marc in February 2004, the latter killings by a combination of police, security personnel from Aristide's National Palace and allied street gangs having claimed at least 27 lives. In recent testimony presented in a Haitian court, Aristide was also accused of orchestrating the April 2000 murder of Jean Dominique, the country's most well-known journalist. Two separate bodies - the Unite Centrale de Renseignements Financiers (UCREF) and the Commission d'Enquete Administrative - that examined financial irregularities from Aristide's time as Haiti's president found that "Aristide's government illegally pumped at least $21 million of his country's meager public funds into private firms that existed only on paper and into his charities."

Nor can those tasked with checking the power of the executive branch be viewed with great confidence, with Haiti's legislative branch of government often resembling a prison more than a parliament.

Two members of Haiti's lower house of parliament, the Chamber of Deputies, Rodriguez Séjour and  N'Zounaya Bellange Jean-Baptiste (who as parliamentarians enjoy immunity from prosecution), have been credibly accused of involvement of the April 2012 murder of Haitian police officer Walky Calixte, but both men remain free with apparent little fear of trial or even arrest. In the slain policeman's Port-au-Prince neighborhood of Carrefour, mournful graffiti still reads Adieu, Walky. Another deputy, fierce Martelly critic Arnel Belizaire, is alleged by the government to have managed to get himself elected despite the fact that he was a fugitive who had broken out of jail a few years before [What is beyond debate is that Belizaire is prone to bouts of physical violence in the parliament itself].

One of President Martelly's chief advisors, Calixte Valentin, was identified as being responsible for the killing of a merchant named Octanol Dérissaint in the town of Fonds-Parisien, near the border with the Dominican Republic, in April 2012. Valentin was never tried for the crime and remains a free man to this day.

It is amid such a discordant background - foreign investment flooding into the country as never before in terms of tourist initiatives and industrial parks even as Haiti's politic milieu remains deeply dysfunctional - that long-delayed legislative elections for two-thirds of the country's senate, the entire chamber of deputies, and local and municipal officials such as mayors are scheduled to take place in October. Several political parties have not as-yet signed on to the electoral plan.

"There are a few parties who chose not to participate, but it was an open process," says Carl Alexandre, Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General in the United Nations peacekeeping mission in Haiti, known by its acronym MINUSTAH. "It is our hope that those who didn't participate initially will want to join as the process unfolds, because the alternative is unthinkable. If the elections are not held this year, in January there will not be a functioning parliament. There will be no one there."

[The UN mission in Haiti has had its own issues with impunity. A cholera epidemic, all-but-certainly introduced by Nepalese peacekeepers, has killed over 8,000 people in the country, but the UN has claimed immunity from any damages.]

Around the country, the Martelly-Lamothe government seems to remain broadly popular, with one moto taxi driver plying Port-au-Prince's dusty Route de Freres telling me "they are working well for Haiti," a sentiment I heard often in my travels around the country. This despite the fact that  - from the crowds in Gonaives chanting "Martelly for 50 years!" to the huge billboards around the country bearing Martelly's image (in violation of Article 7 of Haiti's constitution, which bans "effigies and names of living personages" from "currency, stamps, seals, public buildings, streets or works of art") -  the government seems to have by no means entirely abandoned the realpolitik of Haiti's past. As they once did for Aristide, graffiti slogans around Port-au-Prince laud the bèl ekip (beautiful team) of Martelly-Lamothe.

Haiti's economy is indeed moving - even roaring - forward, but the old need for a mechanism for crime and punishment of the country's powerful keeps knocking on Haiti's door, unbidden, perhaps unwanted, but there nonetheless. In a marriage of impunity and economy, perhaps the echoes of Jean-Claudism do not appear so distant after all.

"We are talking about the situation of impunity that has been the rule since François Duvalier came to power in 1957, and something has to be done to stop that," says Sylvie Bajeux, director of the Centre Œcuménique des droits humains (CEDH), who also served as one of the officials who investigated Aristide's alleged financial misdeeds. Like RNDDH, the CEDH is a member of the Collectif contre l'impunité. "If we don't, we are going nowhere, we cannot talk about reconstruction."

"Jean-Claude Duvalier's case has become the symbol for the need to put an end to impunity," Bajeux  says. "He's being charged with monstrous deeds. So what is going to happen? What happens with Duvalier's case is something that will affect the whole future of this country, one way or another."

Michael Deibert is the author of In the Shadow of Saint Death: The Gulf Cartel and the Price of America's Drug War in Mexico (Lyons Press, 2014), The Democratic Republic of Congo: Between Hope and Despair (Zed Books, 2013) and Notes from the Last Testament: The Struggle for Haiti (Seven Stories Press, 2005).

February 7: A symbol of the rejection of dictatorship

Press release

February 7: A symbol of the rejection of dictatorship


Collectif contre l’impunité/Collective against impunity 

Platform for legal action against ex dictator Jean-Claude Duvalier et al with support from human rights organizations: 

Ecumenical center for human rights (CEDH) 

Kay Fanm (Women’s house)    

Haitian women’s movement for education and development (MOUFHED) 

National human rights network (RNDDH) 

Communication: Centre œcuménique des droits humains (CEDH)

February 7, 1986, when the Duvalier dynasty is overthrown, is the end result of many long and terrible years of struggle that cost the lives of thousands of Haitians.

After the brutal repression of November 28, 1980, which had particularly targeted the press, the population is once more excluded. The flame of resistance is revived in 1984 by young people, in particular those of the city of Gonaïves, who express their rejection of the hereditary presidency and the absolute power that it entails: «Down with poverty for life! Down with unemployment for life ! Down with torture! Down with dictatorship!» It is the outrage of wounded young people that brings the last blows to a regime which still dares to transform the only library in a city into barracks for the Tonton macoutes. 

The rejection of impunity, for the crimes perpetrated against three schoolboys, Jean-Robert Cius, Makenson Michel, and Daniel Israël, shot down during the November 28 1985 demonstrations in Gonaives, spearheads riots throughout the country. «The criminals who murdered the three boys should be arrested, tried and condemned as well as those who ordered to open fire on the population, even if it is one of the highest authorities of the State.»

These young people aspired to finally «see duvalierism uprooted forever.»

28 years after this victory over terror and obscurantism, it is again necessary to confront and stop the official return of duvalierism. It is again necessary to fight the will to ensure impunity for those who imposed silence and fear on our land, for those who systematically put in place that diabolical machine to  degrade, torture, assassinate, violate, exile, dispossess, and make so many disappear. They want to make today’s young people believe that the so called «Duvalierist revolution» was carrying ideals of freedom, fulfillment and progress. They want to disguise history in claiming that the regime ─anchored in the arbitrary, in savage brutality, oppression, the cult of personality, the domestication of the institutions and terror─ was no different than any government. 

The Collective and others, here in Haiti and elsewhere, are determined to continue to reject the unacceptable. In the name of truth and justice; in memory of our innumerable victims; in homage to the resistance of all the young people who, throughout these 29 years of dictatorship, went to the frontline to defend our right to freedom. To reject the unacceptable is to keep alive the spirit of February 7. 

Duvalierism was a tragedy for Haiti!  Impunity cannot be the destiny of Haiti!

Port-au-Prince, February 7, 2014

Daniele Magloire

Coordinator

Déclaration concernant les Fonds Duvalier

Déclaration concernant les Fonds Duvalier

Les organisations soussignées qui, depuis plusieurs années, ont accompagné le cheminement de la procédure concernant les fonds Duvalier existant encore dans les banques suisses, expriment ici leur position quant à « la remise » de ces fonds et leur « utilisation »

Premièrement --- La remise de ces fonds à l’Etat Haïtien ne saurait être accompagnée de conditions imposées de l’extérieur. Seul, l’Etat, en représentation du peuple Haïtien, doit assumer

la responsabilité de ces fonds qui lui sont remis et de veiller scrupuleusement à la gestion et l’utilisation qui en seront faites et en rendre compte devant la Nation.

Deuxièmement -- La dictature des Duvalier, reconnue comme l’une des plus brutales de la deuxième partie du XXème siècle, a systématiquement utilisé la détention dans des conditions abominables comme l’un des moyens les plus efficaces pour contrôler la population et se maintenir au pouvoir. Certaines prisons, comme le tristement célèbre « Fort-Dimanche », face à la Croix-des-Bossales, peuvent être sans réserve qualifiées de « camp d’extermination ».

Aujourd’hui, il faut constater, plus de 20 ans après le départ des Duvalier, que les efforts pour instaurer l’Etat de Droit, ne se sont pas portés, comme il aurait fallu, sur le système pénitentiaire qui accuse encore l’héritage légué par le régime précédent.

Les séquelles de ce dernier continuent à se faire sentir, en particulier dans les prisons et centres de détention dont les conditions inqualifiables ont été amplement documentées et dénoncées par des rapports officiels d’organisations locales ou de gouvernements et d’institutions internationales, comme le rapport de l’Institut Vera et celui, tout récent, du Département d’Etat des EUA, pour ne citer que ceux-là.

C’est pourquoi, selon les organisations soussignées, ce qui reste de l’argent provenant des détournements de fonds par la famille Duvalier, devrait servir, en priorité, à humaniser les conditions d’existence des personnes détenues actuellement dans les prisons du pays pour les amener au niveau requis par les normes internationales. Que les fonds Duvalier soient utilisés à ces fins manifesterait symboliquement, éthiquement, la volonté de rupture avec l’ héritage associé à ce nom et tout ce qui avait été conçu et utilisé pour violenter et anéantir la personne humaine.

Cette destination des fonds Duvalier pour la normalisation des conditions d’emprisonnement et de détention nous parait représenter un acte de profonde humanité qui serait soutenu par la nation tout entière.

Ainsi soit fait.

Ont signé, le 30 mars 2009

CENTRE ŒCUMENIQUE DES DROITS HUMAINS ( CEDH )
Jean-Claude Bajeux

COMMISSION EPISCOPALE NATIONALE JUSTICE ET PAIX (JILAP)
P. Jan Hanssens

LA FONDATION HÉRITAGE (FLHH) –Section haïtienne de Transparency International Marilyn Allien

GROUPE d’ APPUI AUX RAPATRIÉS ET RÉFUGIÉS ( GARR ) Serge Lamothe