Affaire Dionald Polyte : Le président de la Chambre basse et l’épouse du disparu parlent d’assassinat
Sorel Jacinthe annonce que les préparatifs sont en cours en vue de l’organisation des funérailles probablement nationales du Député de Pestel/Beaumont ; Guy Philippe et son camp de plus en plus ciblés alors que les conclusions de l’enquête parlementaire se font attendre
Publié le jeudi 28 juillet 2011
(Read the original article here)
Le président de la Chambre basse, Sorel Jacinthe, qui attend toujours les résultats de l’enquête parlementaire ouverte sur la nature du décès du Député Dionald Polyte, a assimilé cette disparition à un assassinat, en marge d’une rencontre mercredi avec l’épouse du défunt.
Insistant sur la nécessité de tirer au clair les circonstances dans lesquelles l’élu de INITE a trouvé la mort lundi en rentrant à Port-au-Prince, M. Jacinthe a aussi exigé la pacification de la circonscription de Pestel/Beaumont (Grand’Anse, sud-ouest), une ancienne destination touristique de référence transformée, selon lui, en zone de non-droit.
Il a, dans la foulée, sérieusement mis en doute les propos des agents de sécurité de Polyte affirmant qu’une arme l’aurait tué accidentellement dans sa voiture.
« Dionald appartenait à un corps, la Chambre des Députés, qui doit déterminer la façon dont les obsèques doivent se dérouler », a indiqué le Député Jacinthe avant d’ajouter qu’au cas où des funérailles nationales lui seront réservées, il faudra consulter la Présidence sur la date et le protocole de la cérémonie.
Pour sa part, Marie Eva Dutreuil Polyte, la veuve du Député, a qualifié d’assassinat la mort de son mari. Infirmière attachée à un centre de santé se trouvant à Beaumont, à proximité du lieu où s’est produit le présumé homicide involontaire, elle juge bizarre que le blessé ait été acheminé de préférence dans la localité très éloignée de Camp-Perrin (sud)pour y recevoir les premiers soins.
L’ordre aurait été intimé au conducteur du véhicule de prendre cette direction, soupire-t-elle.
D’autre part, les agents de sécurité, qui tenaient tant à Dionald Polyte, auraient empêché le chauffeur de communiquer la nouvelle de l’accident à d’autres personnes.
Enfin, c’est une Marie Eva Dutreuil Polyte ulcérée qui a relancé les accusations contre le camp de Guy Philippe en soutenant que l’ancien chef rebelle anti-Aristide avait kidnappé et rançonnné son mari, lors des élections de 2006. Le même Philippe, basé en principe à Pestel, son village natal, aurait par la suite continué à persécuter et à menacer de mort le futur Député, même après son arrivée au Parlement.
Les autorités policières et judiciaires ne se sont pas encore prononcées sur la mort violente de Dionald Polyte, 41 ans, qui suscite une remontée de la tension politique dans sa circonscription de Pestel/Beaumont, devenue très volcanique ces derniers temps. spp/Radio Kiskeya
Thursday, July 28, 2011
Monday, July 25, 2011
Le député de Beaumont-Pestel (Grand’Anse), Dionald Polyte (INITE), tué par balle dans le Sud
Le député de Beaumont-Pestel (Grand’Anse), Dionald Polyte (INITE), tué par balle dans le Sud
Publié le lundi 25 juillet 2011
Haïti-Parlement
Radio Kiskeya
(Read the original article here)
Le député Dionald Polyte de la circonscription de Pestel-Beaumont (Grand’Anse, Sud-Ouest) a été tué par balle tôt lundi matin dans des circonstances non encore élucidées, alors que son véhicule avec 6 autres personnes à bord, traversait la localité de « Catiche », près de Camp Perrin (Sud).
Le député qui regagnait la capitale après avoir pris part le week-end écoulé à la fête patronale de Duchity (5ème section communale de Pestel), a succombé à ses blessures à l’hôpital de Camp Perrin où il avait été transporté d’urgence. Les six autres personnes qui se trouvaient à bord du véhicule dans lequel se trouvait le parlementaire en sont sorties indemnes.
Le délégué départemental de la Grand’Anse, Wilkens Candy, n’était pas en mesure de préciser les circonstances exactes de la mort du parlementaire.
Elu lors du récent scrutin législatif sous la bannière de l’ex-plateforme présidentielle INITE, Dionald Polyte avait battu le député sortant Ronald Etienne (Front pour la Reconstruction Nationale, FRN, de Guy Philippe). Le candidat malheureux, ainsi que ses partisans, avaient énergiquement protesté contre cette défaite qu’ils avaient mise au compte de la manipulation par le Conseil Electoral Provisoire (CEP) des suffrages exprimés.
Publié le lundi 25 juillet 2011
Haïti-Parlement
Radio Kiskeya
(Read the original article here)
Le député Dionald Polyte de la circonscription de Pestel-Beaumont (Grand’Anse, Sud-Ouest) a été tué par balle tôt lundi matin dans des circonstances non encore élucidées, alors que son véhicule avec 6 autres personnes à bord, traversait la localité de « Catiche », près de Camp Perrin (Sud).
Le député qui regagnait la capitale après avoir pris part le week-end écoulé à la fête patronale de Duchity (5ème section communale de Pestel), a succombé à ses blessures à l’hôpital de Camp Perrin où il avait été transporté d’urgence. Les six autres personnes qui se trouvaient à bord du véhicule dans lequel se trouvait le parlementaire en sont sorties indemnes.
Le délégué départemental de la Grand’Anse, Wilkens Candy, n’était pas en mesure de préciser les circonstances exactes de la mort du parlementaire.
Elu lors du récent scrutin législatif sous la bannière de l’ex-plateforme présidentielle INITE, Dionald Polyte avait battu le député sortant Ronald Etienne (Front pour la Reconstruction Nationale, FRN, de Guy Philippe). Le candidat malheureux, ainsi que ses partisans, avaient énergiquement protesté contre cette défaite qu’ils avaient mise au compte de la manipulation par le Conseil Electoral Provisoire (CEP) des suffrages exprimés.
Friday, July 22, 2011
Le Plateau Central se détournerait de l’agriculture
The great AlterPresse pulls through again where other news outlets fail, this time with one of the saddest articles I have read about the diminution of agriculture in Haiti. What a telling line: "Maïssade, qui était la principale fournisseuse de riz du Plateau Central, ne peut rien offrir aujourd’hui."
I closed my 2005 book, Notes from the Last Testament: The Struggle for Haiti, with the words of a peasant I met on the road to Maïssade. His words still ring so true today, almost a decade later.
MD
Haïti-Economie : Le Plateau Central se détournerait de l’agriculture
jeudi 21 juillet 2011
Correspondance - Ronel Audate
(Read the original article here)
Hinche, 13 juillet 2011 [AlterPresse] --- Au Plateau Central on vend de tout et on produit peu, alors que les habitudes alimentaires changent et que les regards se tournent de plus en plus vers la République Dominicaine et Port-au-Prince.
« Maintenant je peux gagner ma vie honorablement et je n’ai plus besoin de me faire du souci pour ce qui concerne les saisons sèches ou pluvieuses. Et je n’ai plus besoin d’une houe ou d’une machette, maintenant tout est réglé », affirme Selondieu Odius.
Comme beaucoup d’autres paysans agriculteurs de Juanaria (section communale de Hinche), il a vendu sa portion de terre pour s’acheter une moto qu’il utilise pour faire le taxi.
A Hinche de plus en plus de personnes se détournent de l’agriculture au profit du commerce de boissons gazeuses et de matériaux de construction. Certains ont la préférence de la vente des produits alimentaires tels, entre autres, le riz, le pois, le mais moulu ou le poisson, des produits alimentaires importés des Etats-Unis et de la République Dominicaine voisine d’Haïti.
Dans certaines régions il est des gens qui ne veulent plus entendre parler des produits locaux comme l’igname, le manioc, ou la patate, alors qu’ils adorent les saucisses en provenance de l’autre côté de la frontière, les poulets, les poissons emboités, et le riz américain (diri miyami en Créole haïtien).
Des ONG internationales établies dans la région distribuent régulièrement des kits alimentaires à des centaines de familles dites nécessiteuses. Celles-ci reçoivent mensuellement des coupons leur permettant de se procurer les produits alimentaires de premières nécessités. Mais ces distributions de nourriture loin d’apporter une solution durable, affectent les paysans.
« Une marmite de maïs coûte 25 gourdes et personne ne veut en manger, on préfère le riz ou le blé distribués par des ONG. Quel choix me reste t-il ? », déplore Macelin Paul un paysan originaire de la section de Marmont (Hinche). A Maissade, la tendance observée chez les jeunes est de migrer vers la République dominicaine ou Port-au-Prince à la recherche d’un emploi.
« Si tout va bien, au retour ils ouvrent leurs petits commerces de gazeuses ou des petites banques de borlettes (lotterie) », constate le docteur Camille Joseph, cadre de l’ONG Agronome et Vétérinaire Sans Frontière (AVSF).
« Partout c’est la misère et la faim. On est en train de payer la conséquence de l’inconséquence de nos dirigeants », déplore t-il.
Le Plateau Central dont la production a été mise à mal par l’épidémie de cholera, semble frôler une grave crise alimentaire. Tout concourt à favoriser cette situation, notamment l’insécurité foncière et la politique du marché libre qui décourage le travailleur paysan.
Pour Despinos Edouard, technicien en agriculture, la commune de Hinche aurait toutes les possibilités de faire face à une éventuelle crise alimentaire. Selon lui les sections de Marmont, de Juanaria et d’Aguahedionde offrent de grandes possibilités agricoles.
La région du Plateau Central possède en outre des ressources hydriques énormes, à l’image de la commune de Maissade.
« Elle est traversée par la rivière Rio Frio, la rivière Canot et d’autres cours d’eau qui pourraient irriguer des centaines d’hectares de terre durant la saison sèche, alors que ces opportunités ne sont pas exploitées. Maïssade, qui était la principale fournisseuse de riz du Plateau Central, ne peut rien offrir aujourd’hui », explique l’agronome Lyps Maitre, spécialiste en foresterie et cadre du ministère de l’agriculture. [ro kft gp apr 21/07/2011 15:00]
I closed my 2005 book, Notes from the Last Testament: The Struggle for Haiti, with the words of a peasant I met on the road to Maïssade. His words still ring so true today, almost a decade later.
MD
Haïti-Economie : Le Plateau Central se détournerait de l’agriculture
jeudi 21 juillet 2011
Correspondance - Ronel Audate
(Read the original article here)
Hinche, 13 juillet 2011 [AlterPresse] --- Au Plateau Central on vend de tout et on produit peu, alors que les habitudes alimentaires changent et que les regards se tournent de plus en plus vers la République Dominicaine et Port-au-Prince.
« Maintenant je peux gagner ma vie honorablement et je n’ai plus besoin de me faire du souci pour ce qui concerne les saisons sèches ou pluvieuses. Et je n’ai plus besoin d’une houe ou d’une machette, maintenant tout est réglé », affirme Selondieu Odius.
Comme beaucoup d’autres paysans agriculteurs de Juanaria (section communale de Hinche), il a vendu sa portion de terre pour s’acheter une moto qu’il utilise pour faire le taxi.
A Hinche de plus en plus de personnes se détournent de l’agriculture au profit du commerce de boissons gazeuses et de matériaux de construction. Certains ont la préférence de la vente des produits alimentaires tels, entre autres, le riz, le pois, le mais moulu ou le poisson, des produits alimentaires importés des Etats-Unis et de la République Dominicaine voisine d’Haïti.
Dans certaines régions il est des gens qui ne veulent plus entendre parler des produits locaux comme l’igname, le manioc, ou la patate, alors qu’ils adorent les saucisses en provenance de l’autre côté de la frontière, les poulets, les poissons emboités, et le riz américain (diri miyami en Créole haïtien).
Des ONG internationales établies dans la région distribuent régulièrement des kits alimentaires à des centaines de familles dites nécessiteuses. Celles-ci reçoivent mensuellement des coupons leur permettant de se procurer les produits alimentaires de premières nécessités. Mais ces distributions de nourriture loin d’apporter une solution durable, affectent les paysans.
« Une marmite de maïs coûte 25 gourdes et personne ne veut en manger, on préfère le riz ou le blé distribués par des ONG. Quel choix me reste t-il ? », déplore Macelin Paul un paysan originaire de la section de Marmont (Hinche). A Maissade, la tendance observée chez les jeunes est de migrer vers la République dominicaine ou Port-au-Prince à la recherche d’un emploi.
« Si tout va bien, au retour ils ouvrent leurs petits commerces de gazeuses ou des petites banques de borlettes (lotterie) », constate le docteur Camille Joseph, cadre de l’ONG Agronome et Vétérinaire Sans Frontière (AVSF).
« Partout c’est la misère et la faim. On est en train de payer la conséquence de l’inconséquence de nos dirigeants », déplore t-il.
Le Plateau Central dont la production a été mise à mal par l’épidémie de cholera, semble frôler une grave crise alimentaire. Tout concourt à favoriser cette situation, notamment l’insécurité foncière et la politique du marché libre qui décourage le travailleur paysan.
Pour Despinos Edouard, technicien en agriculture, la commune de Hinche aurait toutes les possibilités de faire face à une éventuelle crise alimentaire. Selon lui les sections de Marmont, de Juanaria et d’Aguahedionde offrent de grandes possibilités agricoles.
La région du Plateau Central possède en outre des ressources hydriques énormes, à l’image de la commune de Maissade.
« Elle est traversée par la rivière Rio Frio, la rivière Canot et d’autres cours d’eau qui pourraient irriguer des centaines d’hectares de terre durant la saison sèche, alors que ces opportunités ne sont pas exploitées. Maïssade, qui était la principale fournisseuse de riz du Plateau Central, ne peut rien offrir aujourd’hui », explique l’agronome Lyps Maitre, spécialiste en foresterie et cadre du ministère de l’agriculture. [ro kft gp apr 21/07/2011 15:00]
Sunday, July 17, 2011
Wednesday, July 6, 2011
Haïti/Sous-traitance : Un déficit d’information publique sur le Parc industriel du nord
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Haïti/Sous-traitance : Un déficit d’information publique sur le Parc industriel du nord
lundi 4 juillet 2011
Enquête (1er papier sur 3)
Par Sylvestre Fils Dorcilus
(Reaed the original article here)
P-au-P., 4 juil 2011 [AlterPresse]--- Alors que les travaux de construction de la clôture du terrain devant abriter le Parc Industriel du Nord (PIN) ont démarré, la population de Caracol (Nord) demeure peu informée des tenants et aboutissants de l’opération en cours.
Les travaux font suite à la signature le 14 décembre 2010 d’un accord entre le gouvernement haïtien et le gouvernement des États-Unis, en partenariat avec la Banque Interaméricaine de Développement (BID), pour la mise en œuvre de ce projet.
Cependant ce n’est qu’au cours des travaux que les résidents de la localité, en particulier les occupants du terrain, ont pris connaissance de cette initiative.
« La population de Caracol n’a pas été informée au préalable de ce projet. Je n’ai jamais entendu parler d’un projet de Parc industriel dans la commune. Même les élus locaux n’ont été informés que lors du démarrage des travaux », indique l’agriculteur Alexis Jacqueson.
La commune de Caracol, à 45 kilomètres de la ville frontalière Ouanaminthe, où fonctionne depuis 2003 une Zone franche, compte environ 10 000 habitants.
Perspectives incertaines
Robert Etienne, la quarantaine, originaire de Glodine (localité de Cararol), comme d’autres habitants de la zone, n’a pas mâché ses mots pour dénoncer ce qu’il appelle l’« irrespect » du pouvoir central (administration de l’ancien président René Préval) envers la population de Caracol.
« Le gouvernement n’a aucun respect pour nous [habitants de Caracol]. C’est seulement un beau matin au début du mois de janvier dernier, quand une équipe de techniciens est venue pour explorer le terrain, que nous avons été informés du projet », explique Robert, l’air désabusé.
Robert et Alexis, tous deux cultivateurs victimes, déplorent que « n’ayant pris contact avec aucun d’entre eux (les planteurs) », les techniciens, une fois arrivés sur le terrain avec des engins lourds, ont rasé tout ce qu’ils ont trouvé sur leur passage.
« Imaginez un instant les torts causés à des paysans-planteurs qui s’apprêtent à récolter ou qui viennent à peine de semer », s’exclame Robert en montrant du doigt l’espace qu’ils cultivaient ensemble depuis environ dix ans.
Le lancement des travaux a également été une surprise pour d’autres citoyens qui évoluent dans différents secteurs à Caracol. C’est le cas notamment du pasteur Arnold Baptiste qui occupe une partie du terrain depuis plus de dix ans.
« Je n’en ai rien su », explique le pasteur Arnold Baptiste. Une partie du bâtiment de l’église qu’il dirige a été détruite durant les travaux. Lui aussi appelle au dialogue et à la réparation des dommages.
Ayant encore en mémoire l’histoire de la Zone franche de Ouanaminthe, dans le Nord-Est, ils sont plusieurs parmi les résidents de la localité à se soulever contre les autorités haïtiennes pour réclamer dédommagement, réparation et relocalisation.
« Nous allons nous organiser pour forcer l’État à assumer ses responsabilités vis-à-vis de nous », scandent des planteurs regroupés au sein de l’Association pour la Défense des Droits des Travailleurs de Caracol (ADTC).
L’ADTC, protestant contre les dispositions gouvernementales, demande aux autorités de prendre des mesures d’urgence pour dédommager et relocaliser les paysans-planteurs qui exploitent le terrain pour la plupart depuis une vingtaine d’années.
Des emplois et… un éventuel désastre écologique
Le projet, qui, selon les initiateurs, devrait générer 20.000 emplois à court terme et 65.000 emplois à long terme dans le secteur de la sous-traitance, sera exécuté sur près de 250 hectares de terre en deux phases.
La première phase, consacrée à la mise en place de certaines infrastructures, dont la clôture globale du terrain, quant à elle, sera exécutée sur 75 hectares de terre, selon des documents officiels dont dispose l’agence AlterPresse.
Selon le Centre de facilitation des investissements (CFI), le gouvernement américain et la Banque Interaméricaine de Développement (BID) se sont engagés à investir 140 millions de dollars américains pour la production de l’électricité du parc industriel, la construction de près de 5.000 logements et la mise en place d’infrastructures manufacturières.
La firme sud coréenne Sae-A Trading Co. Ltd, qui s’installera dans le parc, projette, pour sa part, d’investir 78 millions de dollars américains.
Le gouvernement haïtien s’occupera de la gestion du parc, et apportera le support et la surveillance. Il doit s’assurer en outre que la nouvelle construction adhère aux normes permettant de résister aux désastres naturels.
Le projet, toujours selon des documents officiels, inclut le développement des infrastructures routières, de logements, de l’accès à l’énergie, ainsi que la logistique et la construction de la première usine textile de la compagnie Sae-A Trading Co. Ltd.
En dépit des opportunités que les initiateurs du projet font miroiter, la crainte d’une atteinte à l’agriculture haïtienne et la dégradation de l’environnement, déjà fragilisé, parait certaine. De nombreux résidents de Caracol, interrogés, dénoncent le fait que le gouvernement a choisi d’installer des infrastructures industrielles sur des terres cultivables.
« C’est l’espace le plus fertile que nous avons à Caracol. Il est inconcevable et inacceptable que l’État puisse choisir cette portion de terre pour établir un parc industriel », dénonce Renel Pierre, un citoyen de la localité. Il dit regretter que « la population ne peut rien faire pour forcer l’État à revenir sur sa décision. » [sfd kft gp apr 04/07/2011 07:00]
Haïti/Sous-traitance : Un déficit d’information publique sur le Parc industriel du nord
lundi 4 juillet 2011
Enquête (1er papier sur 3)
Par Sylvestre Fils Dorcilus
(Reaed the original article here)
P-au-P., 4 juil 2011 [AlterPresse]--- Alors que les travaux de construction de la clôture du terrain devant abriter le Parc Industriel du Nord (PIN) ont démarré, la population de Caracol (Nord) demeure peu informée des tenants et aboutissants de l’opération en cours.
Les travaux font suite à la signature le 14 décembre 2010 d’un accord entre le gouvernement haïtien et le gouvernement des États-Unis, en partenariat avec la Banque Interaméricaine de Développement (BID), pour la mise en œuvre de ce projet.
Cependant ce n’est qu’au cours des travaux que les résidents de la localité, en particulier les occupants du terrain, ont pris connaissance de cette initiative.
« La population de Caracol n’a pas été informée au préalable de ce projet. Je n’ai jamais entendu parler d’un projet de Parc industriel dans la commune. Même les élus locaux n’ont été informés que lors du démarrage des travaux », indique l’agriculteur Alexis Jacqueson.
La commune de Caracol, à 45 kilomètres de la ville frontalière Ouanaminthe, où fonctionne depuis 2003 une Zone franche, compte environ 10 000 habitants.
Perspectives incertaines
Robert Etienne, la quarantaine, originaire de Glodine (localité de Cararol), comme d’autres habitants de la zone, n’a pas mâché ses mots pour dénoncer ce qu’il appelle l’« irrespect » du pouvoir central (administration de l’ancien président René Préval) envers la population de Caracol.
« Le gouvernement n’a aucun respect pour nous [habitants de Caracol]. C’est seulement un beau matin au début du mois de janvier dernier, quand une équipe de techniciens est venue pour explorer le terrain, que nous avons été informés du projet », explique Robert, l’air désabusé.
Robert et Alexis, tous deux cultivateurs victimes, déplorent que « n’ayant pris contact avec aucun d’entre eux (les planteurs) », les techniciens, une fois arrivés sur le terrain avec des engins lourds, ont rasé tout ce qu’ils ont trouvé sur leur passage.
« Imaginez un instant les torts causés à des paysans-planteurs qui s’apprêtent à récolter ou qui viennent à peine de semer », s’exclame Robert en montrant du doigt l’espace qu’ils cultivaient ensemble depuis environ dix ans.
Le lancement des travaux a également été une surprise pour d’autres citoyens qui évoluent dans différents secteurs à Caracol. C’est le cas notamment du pasteur Arnold Baptiste qui occupe une partie du terrain depuis plus de dix ans.
« Je n’en ai rien su », explique le pasteur Arnold Baptiste. Une partie du bâtiment de l’église qu’il dirige a été détruite durant les travaux. Lui aussi appelle au dialogue et à la réparation des dommages.
Ayant encore en mémoire l’histoire de la Zone franche de Ouanaminthe, dans le Nord-Est, ils sont plusieurs parmi les résidents de la localité à se soulever contre les autorités haïtiennes pour réclamer dédommagement, réparation et relocalisation.
« Nous allons nous organiser pour forcer l’État à assumer ses responsabilités vis-à-vis de nous », scandent des planteurs regroupés au sein de l’Association pour la Défense des Droits des Travailleurs de Caracol (ADTC).
L’ADTC, protestant contre les dispositions gouvernementales, demande aux autorités de prendre des mesures d’urgence pour dédommager et relocaliser les paysans-planteurs qui exploitent le terrain pour la plupart depuis une vingtaine d’années.
Des emplois et… un éventuel désastre écologique
Le projet, qui, selon les initiateurs, devrait générer 20.000 emplois à court terme et 65.000 emplois à long terme dans le secteur de la sous-traitance, sera exécuté sur près de 250 hectares de terre en deux phases.
La première phase, consacrée à la mise en place de certaines infrastructures, dont la clôture globale du terrain, quant à elle, sera exécutée sur 75 hectares de terre, selon des documents officiels dont dispose l’agence AlterPresse.
Selon le Centre de facilitation des investissements (CFI), le gouvernement américain et la Banque Interaméricaine de Développement (BID) se sont engagés à investir 140 millions de dollars américains pour la production de l’électricité du parc industriel, la construction de près de 5.000 logements et la mise en place d’infrastructures manufacturières.
La firme sud coréenne Sae-A Trading Co. Ltd, qui s’installera dans le parc, projette, pour sa part, d’investir 78 millions de dollars américains.
Le gouvernement haïtien s’occupera de la gestion du parc, et apportera le support et la surveillance. Il doit s’assurer en outre que la nouvelle construction adhère aux normes permettant de résister aux désastres naturels.
Le projet, toujours selon des documents officiels, inclut le développement des infrastructures routières, de logements, de l’accès à l’énergie, ainsi que la logistique et la construction de la première usine textile de la compagnie Sae-A Trading Co. Ltd.
En dépit des opportunités que les initiateurs du projet font miroiter, la crainte d’une atteinte à l’agriculture haïtienne et la dégradation de l’environnement, déjà fragilisé, parait certaine. De nombreux résidents de Caracol, interrogés, dénoncent le fait que le gouvernement a choisi d’installer des infrastructures industrielles sur des terres cultivables.
« C’est l’espace le plus fertile que nous avons à Caracol. Il est inconcevable et inacceptable que l’État puisse choisir cette portion de terre pour établir un parc industriel », dénonce Renel Pierre, un citoyen de la localité. Il dit regretter que « la population ne peut rien faire pour forcer l’État à revenir sur sa décision. » [sfd kft gp apr 04/07/2011 07:00]
Tuesday, July 5, 2011
Open letter from Daniel Gérard Rouzier to Haiti
July 5th, 2011,
Open letter to my compatriots
My fellow citizens,
For a democratic system to work properly, it is essential that all citizens subject themselves to the will of the institutions that lead them; better yet, they must strengthen them and accept, without hesitation, the verdict that they deliver as long as that verdict is transparent and legal. For a democratic system to work properly, it is just as essential that the elected officials responsible for making laws abide by them without exception.
Our Lower House Representatives were duly elected to the Parliament by the people and, by voting against my ratification as Prime Minister, they fulfilled the role that their conscience imposed on them. Nothing, however, entitled them to violate my rights or, at the very least, to allow that they be violated by some of their peers with complete impunity.
Faced with a branch of government ever so complacent in arbitrariness and in lies, I take on the responsibility to correct the malicious and false statements that were unfortunately made by some of its members, even when the Parliamentary Commission in charge of analyzing my nomination already had all the information needed to contradict the slanderers and set the record straight and even when I made sure to hold, together with the President, a press conference on June 21st to present the complete facts. Allow me, in passing, to note that neither the congressman from the district where I was born and still live, nor the congressmen from the two districts where I am among the entrepreneurs who create the most jobs and who are the biggest taxpayers, nor the chambers of commerce that my businesses belong to, came to my defense.
Alone in the proverbial lion’s den, I must set the record straight:
* First, I am Haitian and I have never renounced my nationality. All my life, I have used the passport of only one country, my country, Haiti. My valid passport, along with my last two expired passports, were submitted to the Commission for analysis.
* Second, for having been Honorary Consul of Jamaica in Haiti, I did not lose my Haitian nationality. Moreover, I have never undertaken any political engagement on behalf of a foreign nation nor did I undertake any other engagement to defend the interest of a foreign nation at the expense of that of my country. It is incidentally absurd that our members of Parliament pretend not to be aware of the difference between the attributions of a career consul and those of an honorary consul which has never been considered to be, in any country and at any time, a political position.
* Third, I have been working in Haiti for more than 30 years and I pride myself in being among the Haitian citizens who have always and regularly paid all taxes owed to the country’s fiscal authorities. I am proud to state loud and clear that I have totally, completely and continuously fulfilled all my fiscal responsibilities toward my country. The Direction Générale des Impôts (DGI), Haiti’s tax collection authority, can bear witness to that fact and has never failed to issue me a yearly tax clearance certificate.
I direct those members of Parliament who feel authorized to tarnish, in all impunity, the image of honest and upstanding citizens of our country to get in touch with the DGI in order to verify the authenticity of my documents and the truthfulness of my assertions.
For the sake of historical accuracy, I am attaching, to this letter, a copy of my latest tax return, DGI’s receipt for taxes paid in addition to those withheld from my salary by my company every month on behalf of DGI as well as the tax clearance certificate delivered by DGI. The same information is available for the past five years, from fiscal year 2005-2006 to fiscal year 2009-2010 as required by law.
I want to take this opportunity to thank President Martelly for having presented me to the Nation to become Prime Minister of my country. While I have never asked him to do so, he has already set the historical record straight by informing the Nation, more than once, that I did not look for this position, that I did not scheme, nor did I lobby him for this honor. Quite the contrary!
As a citizen, I had accepted to serve my country on behalf of all our fellow citizens who died as a result of the earthquake, of hurricanes, of cholera, those who died from poverty, those who died by drowning in high seas, those who died from armed violence, kidnappings and assassinations like Guiteau Toussaint not too long ago… All of them victims of our collective failure to take on our Republic’s triptych: Liberty, Equality and, above all, Fraternity.
It is specially with them in mind that I had agreed to go in front of the Parliament and in front of the Nation at a time when the Haitian people, faced with an endless series of political, social, economic, institutional, meteorological and seismic catastrophes, one more deadly than the other, let out a clear and powerful scream of rupture with the past and progress for the future when it elected Michel Joseph Martelly to the highest office in the land.
A population scorned, betrayed, despised by those who had promised hope, democracy and development, only to deliver unemployment, misery, beggary and insecurity;
A population who, for the past 50 years, has been faced with the gradual collapse of the State, the deliquescence of its institutions and the rule of mediocrity, corruption, violence and anarchy;
A population finally decimated by cataclysmic disasters as if Mother Nature wanted to join in the scramble for the spoils initiated by the flock’s guardians;
A population in anguish, weakened, disillusioned, traumatized, on its knees but never defeated, raised its head and dealt a resounding and peremptory “No” to the status quo and its supporters.
I had accepted to serve next to President Martelly because when Haiti, the First Free Nation of the Americas after having abolished slavery, the First Black Republic of the World, brought him to power, it also proclaimed its right to a new Haitian dream in a country reclaiming its sovereignty.
A new Haitian dream that wants all families to be able, by virtue of the fruit of their labor, to raise their children with dignity in a normalized society where the notions of inclusion, job creation, wealth distribution, solidarity, justice, accountability, transparency, order and discipline are no longer purely theoretical concepts, but a daily practice beginning at the very top, propagating itself throughout the executive branch toward civil service and reaching civil society by a sort of contagious percolation.
It is because I strongly believe in this dream that I had put aside my charitable activities, that I had resigned as Chairman of the boards of my companies, that I had agreed to sacrifice priceless family time to assume the responsibility to form the new government that would be in charge of building our country.
Various signals coming from the Parliament’s ranks and insisting on a different kind of politics steadfastly and uniquely engaged in the improvement of our compatriots’ quality of life had also convinced me that, together, we could have pulled off this remarkable feat and work to resolve the problems that we have collectively created.
When future generations will look back to the past, they will remember that 2010 was the year of all catastrophes. If, however, we finally get to work honestly, I am convinced that our descendants will be stunned by the contrast that 2011 will offer.
The year 2011 could indeed be the starting point of a period in time that will be as hard as it will be exhilarating. This brings to mind the words of Sir Winston Churchill when he became Prime Minister of England at a time when the country was threatened by Nazi Germany. He said this to the British people.
“I would say to the House, as I said to those who have joined the government: I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat. We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many long months of struggle and of suffering. You ask, what is our policy? I will say: It is to wage war, by sea, land and air, with all our might and with all the strength that God can give us; to wage war against a monstrous tyranny, never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy. You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word: victory; victory at all costs, victory in spite of all terror, victory, however long and hard the road may be; for without victory, there is no survival.”
If we treat extreme poverty and the throes of underdevelopment as a monstrous tyranny, we have to stand ready to wage war against them, and this war, President Martelly, the next Prime Minister, you and I simply cannot afford to lose it. The political strategy that I wanted to propose to the Nation was to wage war against the devastating consequences of the catastrophes created by nature and by man in our country during the past 50 years and to embrace wholeheartedly the change promoted by the President.
This change had to express itself first and foremost in the defense of the common good; this heritage that includes the existence of the goods necessary for the development of the Haitian citizen and the real possibility for all to have access to them. This common good requires the social welfare and the development of all the country’s children, all of them, without exclusion and without exclusivity; and it implies the peace, the stability and the security of a just order.
The common good is, in that sense, different from the general interest which, in a group, does not take into account each individual person and, consequently, because it only considers the general entity, may accept the necessary sacrifice of certain members of the group, usually the weakest ones, for the survival of the others.
The common good, as I see it, will need the commitment and involvement of all members of society; no one will be exempt from participating, according to his ability, in order to reach and develop it; and no one will be left behind. Fok tout moun lité, fok tout moun travay e fok tout moun jwenn !
To protect the common good, the next government must commit to match the interests of all sectors with the requirements of justice and to use all the power at its disposal to do so.
It’s in the name of that quest for the common good for all my fellow citizens that I had accepted to serve next to President Martelly with my faith. This faith that raises mountains, this faith that makes me look for Christ in the other, this faith that gets me to believe that our Good God has a plan of love and excellence for Haiti, that I must get involved and that I will not die before seeing change, real change, in Haiti.
These last two months, I heard all kinds of voices, some more striking than others, standing against the fact that I assume my Christian faith publicly and without reserve.
Following the vote of the Members of the Lower House, a journalist, for whom I have the greatest respect, wrote the following: “Mr. Rouzier, in his prayers and his faith, probably forgot that God does not vote in the Senate or the Lower House.” I will simply answer him that our Good God voted and that, in His great love for me, he probably spared me a more painful fate.
I had accepted to serve my country and I saw in this nomination a calling, a vocation, one more opportunity to serve Christ and to touch Him every day in:
* the 680,000 people rotting under tents;
* the 8 million Haitians who will sleep tonight without electricity;
* the 5 million illiterate who are maintained in the dark;
* our thousands of compatriots who are rotting in jail for petty crimes without any hope of ever
seeing a judge;
* the millions of youths who have lost all hope of ever finding a job;
* the millions of senior citizens who have been forgotten and abandoned by our society;
* the millions of women who must slave away every day to provide for their children’s basic
needs;
* our fellow citizens suffering of physical handicaps and mental challenges and who are the
ragamuffins of our society;
* our farmers to whom we have turned our back for too long.
For all these reasons, I will keep my eyes riveted on Christ and I will keep on serving. I only have one life to live and I have to take advantage of all the opportunities that are given to me to make it count for something. My life and my faith have been made up so far of effort and perseverance in adversity, more than they have been made up of dogma and theology. Our Good God has planted a dream of love and excellence for all in my heart and He has allowed me to understand that to do my best is normal and that to go beyond my abilities is a challenge. Where my abilities end, my faith begins. A strong faith sees the invisible, believes the incredible and receives the impossible.
If you and I, together, join our efforts and wage battle for a prosperous Haiti, with all the talent, all the resources that God has given to us, then and only then will the future generations see 2011 as the launch of the Renaissance.
May our Good God bless Haiti, may He bless the President, may He bless the Parliament and may He bless us all with our families, always.
Respectfully,
Daniel Gérard ROUZIER
Open letter to my compatriots
My fellow citizens,
For a democratic system to work properly, it is essential that all citizens subject themselves to the will of the institutions that lead them; better yet, they must strengthen them and accept, without hesitation, the verdict that they deliver as long as that verdict is transparent and legal. For a democratic system to work properly, it is just as essential that the elected officials responsible for making laws abide by them without exception.
Our Lower House Representatives were duly elected to the Parliament by the people and, by voting against my ratification as Prime Minister, they fulfilled the role that their conscience imposed on them. Nothing, however, entitled them to violate my rights or, at the very least, to allow that they be violated by some of their peers with complete impunity.
Faced with a branch of government ever so complacent in arbitrariness and in lies, I take on the responsibility to correct the malicious and false statements that were unfortunately made by some of its members, even when the Parliamentary Commission in charge of analyzing my nomination already had all the information needed to contradict the slanderers and set the record straight and even when I made sure to hold, together with the President, a press conference on June 21st to present the complete facts. Allow me, in passing, to note that neither the congressman from the district where I was born and still live, nor the congressmen from the two districts where I am among the entrepreneurs who create the most jobs and who are the biggest taxpayers, nor the chambers of commerce that my businesses belong to, came to my defense.
Alone in the proverbial lion’s den, I must set the record straight:
* First, I am Haitian and I have never renounced my nationality. All my life, I have used the passport of only one country, my country, Haiti. My valid passport, along with my last two expired passports, were submitted to the Commission for analysis.
* Second, for having been Honorary Consul of Jamaica in Haiti, I did not lose my Haitian nationality. Moreover, I have never undertaken any political engagement on behalf of a foreign nation nor did I undertake any other engagement to defend the interest of a foreign nation at the expense of that of my country. It is incidentally absurd that our members of Parliament pretend not to be aware of the difference between the attributions of a career consul and those of an honorary consul which has never been considered to be, in any country and at any time, a political position.
* Third, I have been working in Haiti for more than 30 years and I pride myself in being among the Haitian citizens who have always and regularly paid all taxes owed to the country’s fiscal authorities. I am proud to state loud and clear that I have totally, completely and continuously fulfilled all my fiscal responsibilities toward my country. The Direction Générale des Impôts (DGI), Haiti’s tax collection authority, can bear witness to that fact and has never failed to issue me a yearly tax clearance certificate.
I direct those members of Parliament who feel authorized to tarnish, in all impunity, the image of honest and upstanding citizens of our country to get in touch with the DGI in order to verify the authenticity of my documents and the truthfulness of my assertions.
For the sake of historical accuracy, I am attaching, to this letter, a copy of my latest tax return, DGI’s receipt for taxes paid in addition to those withheld from my salary by my company every month on behalf of DGI as well as the tax clearance certificate delivered by DGI. The same information is available for the past five years, from fiscal year 2005-2006 to fiscal year 2009-2010 as required by law.
I want to take this opportunity to thank President Martelly for having presented me to the Nation to become Prime Minister of my country. While I have never asked him to do so, he has already set the historical record straight by informing the Nation, more than once, that I did not look for this position, that I did not scheme, nor did I lobby him for this honor. Quite the contrary!
As a citizen, I had accepted to serve my country on behalf of all our fellow citizens who died as a result of the earthquake, of hurricanes, of cholera, those who died from poverty, those who died by drowning in high seas, those who died from armed violence, kidnappings and assassinations like Guiteau Toussaint not too long ago… All of them victims of our collective failure to take on our Republic’s triptych: Liberty, Equality and, above all, Fraternity.
It is specially with them in mind that I had agreed to go in front of the Parliament and in front of the Nation at a time when the Haitian people, faced with an endless series of political, social, economic, institutional, meteorological and seismic catastrophes, one more deadly than the other, let out a clear and powerful scream of rupture with the past and progress for the future when it elected Michel Joseph Martelly to the highest office in the land.
A population scorned, betrayed, despised by those who had promised hope, democracy and development, only to deliver unemployment, misery, beggary and insecurity;
A population who, for the past 50 years, has been faced with the gradual collapse of the State, the deliquescence of its institutions and the rule of mediocrity, corruption, violence and anarchy;
A population finally decimated by cataclysmic disasters as if Mother Nature wanted to join in the scramble for the spoils initiated by the flock’s guardians;
A population in anguish, weakened, disillusioned, traumatized, on its knees but never defeated, raised its head and dealt a resounding and peremptory “No” to the status quo and its supporters.
I had accepted to serve next to President Martelly because when Haiti, the First Free Nation of the Americas after having abolished slavery, the First Black Republic of the World, brought him to power, it also proclaimed its right to a new Haitian dream in a country reclaiming its sovereignty.
A new Haitian dream that wants all families to be able, by virtue of the fruit of their labor, to raise their children with dignity in a normalized society where the notions of inclusion, job creation, wealth distribution, solidarity, justice, accountability, transparency, order and discipline are no longer purely theoretical concepts, but a daily practice beginning at the very top, propagating itself throughout the executive branch toward civil service and reaching civil society by a sort of contagious percolation.
It is because I strongly believe in this dream that I had put aside my charitable activities, that I had resigned as Chairman of the boards of my companies, that I had agreed to sacrifice priceless family time to assume the responsibility to form the new government that would be in charge of building our country.
Various signals coming from the Parliament’s ranks and insisting on a different kind of politics steadfastly and uniquely engaged in the improvement of our compatriots’ quality of life had also convinced me that, together, we could have pulled off this remarkable feat and work to resolve the problems that we have collectively created.
When future generations will look back to the past, they will remember that 2010 was the year of all catastrophes. If, however, we finally get to work honestly, I am convinced that our descendants will be stunned by the contrast that 2011 will offer.
The year 2011 could indeed be the starting point of a period in time that will be as hard as it will be exhilarating. This brings to mind the words of Sir Winston Churchill when he became Prime Minister of England at a time when the country was threatened by Nazi Germany. He said this to the British people.
“I would say to the House, as I said to those who have joined the government: I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat. We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many long months of struggle and of suffering. You ask, what is our policy? I will say: It is to wage war, by sea, land and air, with all our might and with all the strength that God can give us; to wage war against a monstrous tyranny, never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy. You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word: victory; victory at all costs, victory in spite of all terror, victory, however long and hard the road may be; for without victory, there is no survival.”
If we treat extreme poverty and the throes of underdevelopment as a monstrous tyranny, we have to stand ready to wage war against them, and this war, President Martelly, the next Prime Minister, you and I simply cannot afford to lose it. The political strategy that I wanted to propose to the Nation was to wage war against the devastating consequences of the catastrophes created by nature and by man in our country during the past 50 years and to embrace wholeheartedly the change promoted by the President.
This change had to express itself first and foremost in the defense of the common good; this heritage that includes the existence of the goods necessary for the development of the Haitian citizen and the real possibility for all to have access to them. This common good requires the social welfare and the development of all the country’s children, all of them, without exclusion and without exclusivity; and it implies the peace, the stability and the security of a just order.
The common good is, in that sense, different from the general interest which, in a group, does not take into account each individual person and, consequently, because it only considers the general entity, may accept the necessary sacrifice of certain members of the group, usually the weakest ones, for the survival of the others.
The common good, as I see it, will need the commitment and involvement of all members of society; no one will be exempt from participating, according to his ability, in order to reach and develop it; and no one will be left behind. Fok tout moun lité, fok tout moun travay e fok tout moun jwenn !
To protect the common good, the next government must commit to match the interests of all sectors with the requirements of justice and to use all the power at its disposal to do so.
It’s in the name of that quest for the common good for all my fellow citizens that I had accepted to serve next to President Martelly with my faith. This faith that raises mountains, this faith that makes me look for Christ in the other, this faith that gets me to believe that our Good God has a plan of love and excellence for Haiti, that I must get involved and that I will not die before seeing change, real change, in Haiti.
These last two months, I heard all kinds of voices, some more striking than others, standing against the fact that I assume my Christian faith publicly and without reserve.
Following the vote of the Members of the Lower House, a journalist, for whom I have the greatest respect, wrote the following: “Mr. Rouzier, in his prayers and his faith, probably forgot that God does not vote in the Senate or the Lower House.” I will simply answer him that our Good God voted and that, in His great love for me, he probably spared me a more painful fate.
I had accepted to serve my country and I saw in this nomination a calling, a vocation, one more opportunity to serve Christ and to touch Him every day in:
* the 680,000 people rotting under tents;
* the 8 million Haitians who will sleep tonight without electricity;
* the 5 million illiterate who are maintained in the dark;
* our thousands of compatriots who are rotting in jail for petty crimes without any hope of ever
seeing a judge;
* the millions of youths who have lost all hope of ever finding a job;
* the millions of senior citizens who have been forgotten and abandoned by our society;
* the millions of women who must slave away every day to provide for their children’s basic
needs;
* our fellow citizens suffering of physical handicaps and mental challenges and who are the
ragamuffins of our society;
* our farmers to whom we have turned our back for too long.
For all these reasons, I will keep my eyes riveted on Christ and I will keep on serving. I only have one life to live and I have to take advantage of all the opportunities that are given to me to make it count for something. My life and my faith have been made up so far of effort and perseverance in adversity, more than they have been made up of dogma and theology. Our Good God has planted a dream of love and excellence for all in my heart and He has allowed me to understand that to do my best is normal and that to go beyond my abilities is a challenge. Where my abilities end, my faith begins. A strong faith sees the invisible, believes the incredible and receives the impossible.
If you and I, together, join our efforts and wage battle for a prosperous Haiti, with all the talent, all the resources that God has given to us, then and only then will the future generations see 2011 as the launch of the Renaissance.
May our Good God bless Haiti, may He bless the President, may He bless the Parliament and may He bless us all with our families, always.
Respectfully,
Daniel Gérard ROUZIER
Anna Ferdinand on Martissant
(Originally published Feb 18, 2007)
From Anna Ferdinand
It was 1995 when I first went to Haiti. I was visiting the National Office on Migration (ONM) one day and met up with a group of young men from Grand Ravine who had gone into exile to the DR during the coup for their support of Aristide. Upon their return, with the restoration of Aristide, they approached every government office they could think of in an attempt to bring development to their area now that democracy had returned. I began teaching English at a school at their request. After class often I would join them in their rehearsals for a folklore troupe and a theater group.
They also brought me on several occasions to Grand Ravine, introducing me to people who had been in Guantanamo, telling me about their hopes for a school in Grand Ravine, and a project that would stop the erosion of the road that crossed the deepening ravine. They were bringing up the issues that faced the new democracy; the need for schools, infrastructure, reforestation and
the need to promote a beautiful culture in a country filled with artists. It was a time when there was hope that these things could now be achieved, that if you could stumble upon the right government channel, these things just might happen.
By the year 2000, when political crisis had been well established and the May 21 elections took place, one of the group from Grand Ravine, Luckner Monprevil, was elected as second in a cartel of three Port-au-Prince mayors under Fanmi Lavalas. The artists who had been members of the theater group were now his security corps, toting large guns. At the inauguration, City Hall was overrun with Lavalas supporters and the scene was chaotic. I came upon the law student turned adjoint mayor to congratulate him. He was surrounded by his well armed friends, cowering in a room in the back. It was a mad scene outside, and the reality of power in that situation was overwhelming him in the moment. Unfortunately he came into a questionable situation and political chaos and mismanagement brought his cartel down. I don't think he did much of anything while in power and by the end was criticized for driving a Mercedes to work.
By 2003 the groups were well armed, and all innocence seemed to have been lost. True power to develop from the mayor's office had come and gone. Power had corrupted, with positions for the old gang in parliament and presence in the National palace. Only the dance teacher had turned away in disgust.
When Fefe Bien Aime, a Grand Ravine resident who had been appointed as cemetery director (a gun battle in the cemetery took place under his direction), was killed, the Lavalas group, entrenched in the new system of Popular Organizations, turned against Aristide. Bien Aime was last seen in the hands of the police. Later his car was found dumped and he was dead. But after a couple of months of calling Aba Aristide, they were again pro and the new leader was seen in the palace; political mutations in an atmosphere devoid of positive development in any sense. Just as the Raboteau folks came in and left the Lavalas fold, so did the group in Grand Ravine. Idealism, ideas of justice and development were long gone, lost to gang war.
The discussion of what gang was in charge of what crimes occupies the discussion on this list, fights between the authors of articles in a war of words, is equally unconstructive. It's easy to try and paint a picture of black and white, right and wrong, but Haiti is far beyond that. Michael Deibert has done a commendable job, with heavy duty investigative journalism over the years, of opening the eyes to the fact that no one side has the monopoly on what is good and right.
The United States government bought their own form of political gangsters to carry out their war out in what they consider a slum. Aristide played the same game on his lower wrung of power. There was a hope that he would step out of the game, to hold up a mirror in the face of what the most powerful do to the least powerful. Instead he became their mirror image. The consequence has been that not only did Martissant residents initial activism result in little, but the whole country has blown up in everyone's faces.
The gang wars, the election wars, the constant parade of wars just hit on the sand like endless waves, lapping up on the real land, with real people living real lives where nothing ever changes because people never change.
From Anna Ferdinand
It was 1995 when I first went to Haiti. I was visiting the National Office on Migration (ONM) one day and met up with a group of young men from Grand Ravine who had gone into exile to the DR during the coup for their support of Aristide. Upon their return, with the restoration of Aristide, they approached every government office they could think of in an attempt to bring development to their area now that democracy had returned. I began teaching English at a school at their request. After class often I would join them in their rehearsals for a folklore troupe and a theater group.
They also brought me on several occasions to Grand Ravine, introducing me to people who had been in Guantanamo, telling me about their hopes for a school in Grand Ravine, and a project that would stop the erosion of the road that crossed the deepening ravine. They were bringing up the issues that faced the new democracy; the need for schools, infrastructure, reforestation and
the need to promote a beautiful culture in a country filled with artists. It was a time when there was hope that these things could now be achieved, that if you could stumble upon the right government channel, these things just might happen.
By the year 2000, when political crisis had been well established and the May 21 elections took place, one of the group from Grand Ravine, Luckner Monprevil, was elected as second in a cartel of three Port-au-Prince mayors under Fanmi Lavalas. The artists who had been members of the theater group were now his security corps, toting large guns. At the inauguration, City Hall was overrun with Lavalas supporters and the scene was chaotic. I came upon the law student turned adjoint mayor to congratulate him. He was surrounded by his well armed friends, cowering in a room in the back. It was a mad scene outside, and the reality of power in that situation was overwhelming him in the moment. Unfortunately he came into a questionable situation and political chaos and mismanagement brought his cartel down. I don't think he did much of anything while in power and by the end was criticized for driving a Mercedes to work.
By 2003 the groups were well armed, and all innocence seemed to have been lost. True power to develop from the mayor's office had come and gone. Power had corrupted, with positions for the old gang in parliament and presence in the National palace. Only the dance teacher had turned away in disgust.
When Fefe Bien Aime, a Grand Ravine resident who had been appointed as cemetery director (a gun battle in the cemetery took place under his direction), was killed, the Lavalas group, entrenched in the new system of Popular Organizations, turned against Aristide. Bien Aime was last seen in the hands of the police. Later his car was found dumped and he was dead. But after a couple of months of calling Aba Aristide, they were again pro and the new leader was seen in the palace; political mutations in an atmosphere devoid of positive development in any sense. Just as the Raboteau folks came in and left the Lavalas fold, so did the group in Grand Ravine. Idealism, ideas of justice and development were long gone, lost to gang war.
The discussion of what gang was in charge of what crimes occupies the discussion on this list, fights between the authors of articles in a war of words, is equally unconstructive. It's easy to try and paint a picture of black and white, right and wrong, but Haiti is far beyond that. Michael Deibert has done a commendable job, with heavy duty investigative journalism over the years, of opening the eyes to the fact that no one side has the monopoly on what is good and right.
The United States government bought their own form of political gangsters to carry out their war out in what they consider a slum. Aristide played the same game on his lower wrung of power. There was a hope that he would step out of the game, to hold up a mirror in the face of what the most powerful do to the least powerful. Instead he became their mirror image. The consequence has been that not only did Martissant residents initial activism result in little, but the whole country has blown up in everyone's faces.
The gang wars, the election wars, the constant parade of wars just hit on the sand like endless waves, lapping up on the real land, with real people living real lives where nothing ever changes because people never change.
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