Gonaives demeure encore vulnérable aux inondations, malgré d’importants travaux d’infrastructures

Haiti : Gonaives demeure encore vulnérable aux inondations, malgré d’importants travaux d’infrastructures

lundi 20 décembre 2010

Correspondance – Mergenat Exalus

Malgré les importants travaux de drainage, curage des canaux, traitements des ravines et conservation de sol réalisés par des organisations non-gouvernementales œuvrant aux Gonaïves (nord), cette ville n’est toujours pas à l’abri des inondations. La cité de l’indépendance garde encore les séquelles des derniers ouragans (Jeanne en 2004, Hanna et IKE en 2008) et n’est toujours pas prête à faire face à d’éventuelles inondations.

(Read the original article here)

Gonaives, 20 déc. 2010 [AlterPresse] --- D’importants travaux sont en cours actuellement aux Gonaïves, ville côtière de 250 mille habitants, qui continue de faire face à la menace d’inondations malgré la fin de la période cyclonique.

Les intempéries survenues la semaine dernière en raison du passage d’un front froid sur le pays ont provoqué des inquiétudes chez les populations. Dans certains quartiers réputés vulnérables comme Trou Sable, Ka-Soleil et Assifa, l’eau a envahi des cours et des maisons.

Selon Faustin Joseph, technicien en appui au système de gestion de risque et de désastre de la Mission des Nations Unies pour la Stabilisation en Haïti (MINUSTAH), Gonaïves court encore des risques à cause de la non-réalisation de certains travaux de traitement des bassins versants de Marmelade et Ennery (nord de la ville).

En s’appuyant sur une étude effectuée sur la problématique des inondations aux Gonaïves, Faustin Joseph a révélé que les bassins versants, qui apportent 70% des eaux vers la cité, sont l’une des principales causes des inondations enregistrées.

En aval, d’importants travaux ont pourtant été effectués notamment dans la rivière la Quinte. L’eau de la ravine Durée a été détournée. Suite à des travaux de maçonneries et de bétonnage, un drain de ceinture du mont Bienac est alimenté en saison pluvieuse par les eaux de la Quinte et celles ruisselants des bassins versants environnants. Ces eaux ne présentent plus de risque pour la ville.

Cependant, il semble qu’il reste encore beaucoup à faire. Hérold St-Pierre, haut responsable départemental du Ministère de l’agriculture a annoncé la continuité des travaux de reprofilage de la Quinte. Cette rivière a été curée jusqu’à environ 40 mètres par le centre national d’équipement (CNE). Ces travaux doivent être finalisés dans le cadre d’un projet de l’Agence internationale d’aide américaine (USAID) appelé WINNER.

St Pierre a aussi précisé que dans le but d’éviter l’effet d’entonnoir, les ponts Mapou et Gaudin qui sont jetés sur la Quinte seront élargis à 60 mètres et les travaux de construction ont déjà commencé.

Ces travaux viendront s’ajouter a toute une série de mesures préventives et de préparation prises cette année par les responsables locaux de la protection civile pour parer aux risques de la saison cyclonique qui vient de s’achever.

Il s’agit de l’installation de pluviomètres, de limnimètres (bâtons gradués) et d’un système d’alarme (sirène) sur tous les bassins versants, surtout ceux qui alimentent la Quinte. Ces instruments au nombre de 9 ont été installés en vue de contrôler le débit, la montée des eaux surtout en saison pluvieuse et alerter la population au moment opportun.

Ils sont contrôlés par un réseau d’agents, tous des agronomes, qui ont pour mission d’alerter les autorités de la protection civile sur le niveau des eaux dans les rivières pour les suites nécessaires, selon Youdeline Cherizard Joseph, coordonatrice du comité communal de la protection civile aux Gonaïves.

La coordonatrice a indiqué que la sirène d’alarme qui fait partie de ce système d’alerte précoce peut résonner sur une étendue de 10 kilomètres carrés.

2010: A Reporter's Notebook of the Year Gone By

This past year began with a heart-rending tragedy - the devastating earthquake in my beloved Haiti - and ended with a major personal accomplishment, the completion of my first book since 2005, the finishing touches to which I put on in a quiet courtyard in New Orleans some weeks ago. It was a 12 month period that began with a vow to myself not to spend so much time on airplanes and in airports, but which ended with me having logged more miles than I ever had before in a single year.

Whether it was reporting on organized crime and drug trafficking in Colombia, Guatemala and Mexico, trying to continue to shine a light on some of the complexities of Haiti (which did not begin and will not end with the destruction of Port-au-Prince or the recent corrupted elections) or simply exploring Indonesia or Morocco, I felt, as I always do, lucky to at least have the opportunity to try and contribute in some meaningful way to the struggles of disadvantaged people who want to live more just and decent lives. All my travels and work this year have reinforced again to me the commonality that we as humans share on this planet we inhabit, and how we all have a responsibility, no matter what powerful forces it might upset, to speak out and defend those who are the victims of injustice.

Now preparing to rebase myself once again near my Caribbean spiritual home (and hopefully spend a lot less time flying), I wish you all much success and happiness in 2011 and, for the countries that I report on, perhaps paradoxically, more justice and more peace in the coming year.

Much love,

MD


One Week in, Haitians Are Still Hungry for Slate.com (19 January 2010)

US Increases Presence in Haiti as Aid Increases: Interview on WNYC's The Takeaway (20 January 2010)

Haiti: Tearing Down History for Slate.com (22 January 2010)

A History of Troubles Is Helping Haitians to Endure for the Wall Street Journal (22 January 2010)

The Haiti I love is still there for Salon.com (23 January 2010)

Haitian Radio Returns to the Air for Slate.com (5 February 2010)

Thoughts on recent Haiti commentaries for Michael Deibert, Writer (9 February 2010)

Haitians Find Help Through the Airwaves: Interview on WNYC's The Takeaway (10 February 2010)

From rubble to recovery for the Financial Times' Foreign Direct Investment (13 February 2010)

Why Haiti’s Debt Should Be Forgiven for Michael Deibert, Writer (24 March 2010)

Guinea: A vote of confidence? for the Financial Times' Foreign Direct Investment (15 April 2010)

Haiti's Peasantry Key to Reconstruction for AlterNet (16 April 2010)

Amid Elections, Armed Groups Hold Colombian Town under the Gun for Inter Press Service (1 June 2010)

Like Colombia, Iconic City Remains a Place of Promise and Peril for Inter Press Service (3 June 2010)

Haiti and Dominican Republic: Good neighbours? for the Financial Times' Foreign Direct Investment (8 June 2010)

The international community's responsibility to Haiti for the Guardian (15 July 2010)

Colombia: Turning over a new leaf for the Financial Times' Foreign Direct Investment (8 August 2010)

Guatemala's lonely battle against corruption for the Guardian (12 November 2010)

Thoughts on Haiti’s elections for Michael Deibert, Writer (30 November 2010)

Proposition du CEP, insuffisante pour une sortie de crise

Haiti-Élections : Proposition du CEP, insuffisante pour une sortie de crise

dimanche 12 décembre 2010

Note de presse d’organismes nationaux d’observation

Transmis à AlterPresse le 10 décembre 2010

(Read the original article here)

Les Organisations signataires de la présente, engagées dans l’observation électorale constatent avec satisfaction le crédit que le peuple haïtien et les instances qui suivent de près le déroulement des élections accordent à l’observation nationale indépendante. Elles constatent également la vigueur dont fait preuve le peuple haïtien dans la défense de son vote et de l’intégrité du processus électoral.

La détermination de la population haïtienne à défendre ses droits est aujourd’hui manifeste et ne laisse aucun doute à personne. Les organisations signataires estiment que le moment est venu pour passer a la table de négociation, une négociation franche, honnête, qui considère les intérêts de toutes les parties en présence mais aussi et surtout qui prend en compte le bien commun, le bien de notre nation, qui fait face aujourd’hui a des menaces d’une extrême gravité.

Dans ce sens, elles prennent acte du communiqué du Conseil Electoral Provisoire faisant état de la création d’une commission mixte pour la vérification des procès verbaux. Elles estiment toutefois que cette proposition ne suffit pas pour nous conduire à une éventuelle sortie de crise.

D’abord, le CEP ne peut seul décider d’une mesure qui sort du cadre légal. Toute disposition de ce genre doit faire l’objet d’un dialogue, d’une concertation susceptible de déboucher sur un consensus suffisant, condition indispensable pour aboutir à des résultats acceptés par tous et pour une mise en œuvre réussie. La présence des observateurs nationaux est nécessaire dans le cadre de cette concertation. Les candidats et les partis politiques doivent aussi participer à ce dialogue et faire valoir leur point de vue.

Par ailleurs, ces vérifications ne peuvent concerner uniquement les trois candidats à la présidence qui auraient recueilli le plus grand nombre de voix. Toutes les contestations doivent être entendues aussi bien pour les législatives que pour les présidentielles.

Cette vérification doit enfin aller en profondeur et tenir compte de tous les facteurs qui au cours de la journée du scrutin, auraient pu altérer la volonté exprimée par les électeurs.

Tout en présentant leurs sympathies à tous ceux qui d’une façon ou d’ une autre ont été victimes au cours des récentes manifestations, les organisations signataires espèrent vivement que tous ceux qui ont une responsabilité dans ce processus électoral, feront cette fois preuve de sagesse et de patriotisme et sauront placer le bien de la nation au dessus de leurs intérêts personnels.

P-au-P., 10 décembre 2010

Suivent les signatures :

Conseil National d’Observation Electorale : (CNO)

Initiative de la Société Civile : (ISC)

Conseil Haïtien des Acteurs Non Etatiques (CONHANE)

Réseau National De Défense des Droits Humains (RNDDH)

Centre d’Education, de Recherches et d’actions en Sciences Sociales et pénales (CERESS)

Mouvman Fanm Aktif Kafou (MOFKA)

Haïti: Les Cayes, le chaos absolu!

Décembre 2010

Haïti: Les Cayes, le chaos absolu!

Le Nouvelliste

(Read the original article here)

Toutes les institutions publiques de la ville des Cayes ont été réduites en cendres cette semaine par des manifestants en colère qui réclament à cor et à cri le repêchage dans la course électorale du candidat à la présidence, Michel Martelly, et le départ du chef de l'Etat. Impuissante face à cette situation de fait, la police nationale n'a fait que constater les dégâts. En outre, trois personnes ont trouvé la mort dans des altercations avec les casques bleus.

La Direction régionale des Impôts (DGI), la direction départementale du Sud du Ministère de l'Economie et des Finances, le parquet du tribunal civil, le bureau de la Cour Supérieure des Comptes et du Contentieux Administratif, le bureau du Ministère des Cultes, les locaux de la municipalité des Cayes, le Bureau Electoral Départemental (BED), la Banque nationale de crédit (BNC) entre autres, sont partis en fumée dans la troisième ville du pays. Les manifestants ont totalement détruit toutes les institutions de l'Etat dans la métropole du Sud.

Les institutions privées dans la ville des Cayes n'ont pas été épargnées par les manifestants en colère se réclamant du candidat de ''Repons peyizan''. Des magasins ont été pillés avant d'être brûlés. Le super marché Oriol, Prestige Multi Services et Oriol, Dépôt shop ont été littéralement incendiés. Quelques dépôts situés dans la zone du marché public des Cayes ont également connu le même sort.

Un entrepôt de produits alimentaires appartenant à un proche du parti au pouvoir INITE a été pillé avant d'être incendié ce jeudi matin alors que les routes conduisant dans les autres communes du département sont bloquées par des barricades, a-t-on appris.

Dans le même registre, des individus ont incendié le commissariat des Quatre Chemins situé à l'entrée de la ville. Plusieurs armes à feu et munitions ont été emportées. Il faut souligner également que les agents de sécurité de divers bâtiments publics et de plusieurs centres commerciaux ont été désarmés, a-t-on appris.

Par ailleurs, dans des altercations avec les casques bleus basés aux Cayes, trois jeunes manifestants ont été tués par balles au cours de ces violentes manifestations. « Un jeune garçon a été abattu devant le bureau électoral départemental (BED) par des casques bleus sénégalais et deux autres ont été tués à l'entrée de la ville, où un commissariat de police a été saccagé et les policiers désarmés », a dénoncé à l'AFP un ancien sénateur de la République, Gabriel Fortuné.

La situation demeure encore très tendue dans la troisième ville du pays où la police nationale et la MINUSTAH sont impuissantes face à la fureur des manifestants.

Robenson Geffrard

Michael Deibert interviewed on KPFK Pacifica Radio

I spoke with KPFK Pacifica Radio host Suzi Weissman yesterday about the implications of Haiti's recent elections. The interview can be heard about 21 minutes into the program here.

Let the Haitians work out their differences

This thought-provoking and analytically impressive commentary was published on the blog of Figaro Joseph, author of The Power of Movement in Political Transitions: Haiti Under the Lavalas. Well worth a read.

Thoughts on Haiti’s elections

My most recent thoughts on Haiti's elections can be read at my other blog here.

United States Embassy Cable: Deconstructing Préval

O 161802Z JUN 09

FM AMEMBASSY PORT AU PRINCE

TO SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 0044

INFO HAITI COLLECTIVE PRIORITY

AMEMBASSY BRASILIA PRIORITY

AMEMBASSY MONTEVIDEO PRIORITY

AMCONSUL MONTREAL PRIORITY

AMCONSUL QUEBEC PRIORITY

DEA HQS WASHDC PRIORITY

HQ USSOUTHCOM J2 MIAMI FL PRIORITY

CDR USSOUTHCOM MIAMI FL PRIORITY

C O N F I D E N T I A L PORT AU PRINCE 000575


DEPARTMENT FOR WHA

SOUTHCOM ALSO FOR POLAD

DEPARTMENT PASS USAID FOR LAC

E.O. 12958: DECL: 06/01/2019

TAGS: PGOV HA KBIO

SUBJECT: DECONSTRUCTING PREVAL

Classified By: Ambassador Janet A. Sanderson, reason 1.4(b) and (d).

(Originally posted here)

Summary and Introduction
-------------------------

¶1. (C) Haitian President Rene Preval has now completed three
years of his five year presidential mandate. Widely touted as
the "transitional president" poised to lead Haiti into a new
era of democracy and economic prosperity, he has had only
modest success thus far. Haiti's problems are indeed
daunting, and redressing them will take much more than a
five-year term. However, Preval's particular world view, his
personality and often indecisive and uncommunicative
leadership style, coupled with Haiti's deeply divided
political class and the devastating events of 2008, have
conspired to defer, if not derail, forward movement here.

¶2. (C) That being said, Preval remains Haiti's indispensable
man. Legitimately elected, still moderately popular, and
likely the only politician capable of imposing his will on
Haiti - if so inclined - Preval's role over the next 18
months is critical. Dealing with Preval is a challenge,
occasionally frustrating and sometimes rewarding. He is wary
of change and suspicious of outsiders, even those who seek
his success. Managing Preval will remain challenging during
the remainder of his term yet doing so is key to our success
and that of Haiti. We must continue to find creative ways to
work with him, influence him, and encourage him to recapture
the activism of his first year in office. Until he does,
political change and economic progress, so necessary to
Haiti's future, is likely to be incremental at best.

The Politics of Personality
----------------------------

¶3. (C) Preval's attitude towards his presidency has been
shaped by both experience and personality. As Aristide's
Prime Minister and successor, he was overshadowed by the more
charismatic ex-priest. At our first meeting, Preval recounted
that he was "the last stop after Tabarre (where Aristide
lived) when visitors came", bitterly reminding me that many
USG visitors barely had time to see him when he was
president. Those slights still rankle. A retiring, complex
personality, the president shares little. His inner circle
has greatly constricted during the past two years, with key
advisors including Bob Manuel, all but dropping out. His
involvement with his fiancee, financial advisor Babette
Delatour has colored many of his other relationships,
according to friends, and caused an estrangement of sorts
with his sister and one of his daughters.

¶4. (C) Even those close to Preval concede that his
chameleon-like character makes dealing with the president
difficult. One close advisor calls it "the roller coaster
that is Rene Preval." Personally engaging - even seductive -
when he so wishes, Preval can be equally harsh with
colleagues and others. Ministers, close advisors and others
have felt the sting of his tongue, both in public and in
private. Stubbornly holding to ideas long past their shelf
life, he rarely welcomes dissenting opinions. His courting
of Taiwan in 2006, which almost led to the Chinese blocking
renewal of the MINUSTAH mandate in 2006, is a case in point.
Preval is highly disinclined to delegate power or authority
and even the smallest detail comes to his office for
decision, a situation which has caused stress in his
relationships with both his current and former prime
ministers. Planning Minister Bellerive described to me a
recent Cabinet meeting where the Prime Minister and the
Cabinet presented a development plan for the long-suffering
northern tier of the country. Preval ridiculed the idea and
when confronted by a united ministerial front, walked out of
the cabinet meeting and told his advisors to strike the
proposal from the agenda.

¶5. (C) Uncomfortable in formal settings such as summits and
international conferences, Preval seeks personal
"relationships of trust" with his interlocutors. Often
unable to articulate exactly what he wants - except in the
broadest of terms - Preval tends to view issues in black and
white. Nonetheless, he expects a positive - and prompt
response. That is particularly true of his dealings with the
international community. He remains skeptical about the
international community's commitment to his government's
goals, for instance telling me that he is suspicious of how
the Collier report will be used. He measures success with the
international community - and the U.S.- in terms of positive
response to his priorities, rather than according to some
broader international benchmarks of success.

¶6. (C) Nevertheless, Preval's stubborn and cautious nature
has sometimes borne fruit. In his first year in office, he
was widely praised for reaching out to Haitians of all
political stripes and for attempting to bridge Haiti's
massive political divides. He has shrewdly coopted major
political rivals into his personal cabinet over the past two
years and has, through patient diplomacy managed to get
fractious parliamentary groupings to sit around the table
working on issues ranging from the budget to privatization to
the current minimum wage crisis. He believes strongly that
without his intercession, the international community would
have ignored the impact of the 2008 hurricanes on Haiti, and
that his early efforts at negotiation and discussion with the
gangs of Cite Soleil (which he often reminds me that I
criticized at the time) set the stage for the successful
MINUSTAH operation to clear the area.


A Narrowing Circle?
------------------

¶7. (C) Preval's seeming isolation in the palace during the
past year is striking. Close friends report that they have
little contact - and even less influence - with him. A
businessman who was key to Preval's election said the last
time that he talked to Preval, the president brushed him off.
Shunning newspapers and radio, he has a friend in New York do
a daily press summary for him; otherwise he freely admits
that he neither reads nor listens to the news, either local
or international. He uses one or two cell phones but rarely
shares the numbers with his colleagues. He uses his email to
communicate with family and close friends, but prefers to
talk on the telephone. He seldom leaves the palace except to
travel to his residence each evening and to the retreat he
has bought for his fiancee in the mountains above Port au
Prince.

The Health Issue
----------------

¶8. (C) Preval's occasionally erratic behavior over the past
year has again sparked widespread rumors that he is suffering
from the effects of his past prostate cancer or that he has
resumed drinking. There is no indication that he is taking
medicine that affects his judgment or temperament, but he has
ignored suggestions from his inner circle, including that of
Delatour, that he do complete medical check-up in the U.S. He
has not been to Cuba for follow-up tests in more than a year.
Preval has increased his alcoholic consumption and often
attends a Petionville night club with friends, but during our
social interaction I have never seen him drink to excess.
Nonetheless, reports of heavy drinking are circulating
widely.


An Agenda deferred: Elections, Constitutional Reform, and
Drugs
--------------------------------------------- ---------------

¶9. (C) Preval has said that his agenda for his remaining
years in office focuses on three interconnected issues:
elections, constitutional reform, and drugs. He came late to
the election issue, originally suggesting that the partial
Senatorial elections be combined with the lower house polls
scheduled for fall. He backed down in the face of
international pressure, but also as he came to realize that
he would have little success - or support - if he moved on
constitutional reform without a fully functioning senate.
Given the delays in moving this election forward, he no
longer believes that he will see an overhaul of the
constitution. He now expects to focus on two critical
constitutional issues, dual nationality and government
decentralization. He has angrily denied charges that he
manipulated the electoral process through the CEP and its
decision to exclude Lavalas to undermine an already weak
legislature.

¶10. (C) Preval's focus on comprehensive constitutional reform
over the past year raised concerns about his ulterior
motives. Many in Haiti's political class drew the conclusion
that Preval was seeking a third term. The President's
refusal to explicitly reject that possibility created
confusion and uncertainty, but I view this development as
highly unlikely. Nonetheless, concerns about Preval's
intentions, coupled with deteriorating relations with
parliament, and his cavalier treatment of major political
parties has undermined consensus on constitutional reform and
he seems now resigned to more limited changes.

¶11. (C) Preval's fixation on drug trafficking reflects both a
growing frustration with the inflow of drugs into the
country's political process and irritation that his
government is unable to address something that could indeed
pose a personal threat to his future after the presidency.
Shunning all GOH responsibility for the problem, he looks to
hand it over to us. He has yet to believe that we take his
concerns seriously, and that has colored much of his dealings
with us beyond the counternarcotics agenda.


A not-always-helpful world view
-------------------------------

¶12. (C) Although Preval's presidency started off well, with
the new president reaching out across the political spectrum
in an effort to create a new political culture in the
country, those efforts have now essentially stalled. The
President, whether by inclination or design, has not fully
developed a vision of Haiti's future. By turns determined or
distracted, Preval is often reluctant to use the levers of
power given to him by the office of the presidency. In one
telling instance, he held off going public in the April riots
until the presidency appeared to hang in the balance.
Skeptical of friends from abroad, and cynical about his own
political class's ability to effect change, Preval believes
that it is best only to speak out after the deals are done.
Pressing him to be more expansive and communicative has been,
in my experience, counterproductive. At the same time, he is
reluctant to let anyone else pick up the slack, and as a
result, the political vacuum in Haiti is often filled by
those who do not necessarily have the nation's best interests
at heart.

¶13. (C) There are those who argue that the April, 2008 riots
so badly shook Preval's world view that he has become
reluctant to act. We believe this is too simplistic an
explanation. Preval was indeed unprepared for the riots in
the street, but he used them to press some key objectives,
including the removal of then-Prime Minister Jacques-Edouard
Alexis. More to the point, I believe that the President's own
style and outlook, his often unilateral decision-making
style, his propensity to micromanage, and his essentially
cynical (and often justified) view of the Haitian political
process were, I believe, reinforced by what he saw in April,
and he is looking for ways to ensure he is not caught
unawares again.

¶14. (C) Preval's old friends suggest that in many ways he
remains the radical student who broke with his conservative
father and spent his university days in the political
maelstrom of 1960s Europe. While this may overstate the
case, Preval remains essentially a nationalist politician in
the Haitian sense of the word - suspicious of outsiders
intentions and convinced that no one understands Haiti like
he does. He often takes actions, such as publicly dismissing
the results of the Washington Donors Conference or stalling
elections, which could be construed as working at cross
purposes with the U.S. Preval clearly believes that he can
walk a fine line without losing U.S. or international
community support. Here, however, he runs a risk. Although he
briefly lived in the U.S., Preval does not truly understand
Americans or the Washington policy environment - and he often
ignores advisors who do.


The After-Life
--------------

¶15. (C) Close friends speculate that many of Preval's actions
during the past year - his rapprochement with Alexis and the
Neptune faction of Lavalas, his obsession with constitutional
reform, his anger over drug trafficker Guy Philippe, even his
reactions to the April riots - stem from his very real fear
that politics will prohibit him from returning to private
life in Haiti after his presidency. Thus, they argue, his
overriding goal is to orchestrate the 2011 presidential
transition in such a way as to ensure that whoever is elected
will allow him to go home unimpeded. Based on our
conversations, this is indeed a matter that looms large for
Preval. He has said to me on various occasions that he is
worried about his life after the presidency, that he would
not survive in exile. His concerns seem real, given Haiti's
history, albeit somewhat overblown at this point in time.


What It Means for Us
---------------------

¶16. (C) Preval and I entered on duty in our respective
positions at pretty much the same time and we have enjoyed an
interesting, if not always harmonious, relationship during
the past three and a half years. During that period, I have
found him somewhat isolated, less open to ideas and advice,
and more reluctant to use the tools of his office to advance
his agenda than in his first year in office. Some say that
he is reverting to the do-nothing persona of his first term
as president. Like much about Preval, the reality is somewhat
more complicated. What is clear to me, however, is that
Preval has yet to truly provide the strong, consistent
leadership that Haiti's current circumstances demand. In
other places, we could find ways to circumvent or overcome
these weaknesses. Not so in Haiti. Given Haiti's strong
tradition of presidential rule, the blurred constitutional
lines of authority, and his own reluctance to delegate
authority, I believe that Preval - and only Preval - will
continue to set the rhythm and scope of change in Haiti. And
while we may argue with him about pace and priorities, we
will have to adapt to his rhythm. Dealing with Preval has
never been easy. Yet he remains Haiti's indispensable man and
he must succeed in passing this country to a new leadership
in 2011. We therefore must continue to find creative,
consistent ways to reinforce and maintain our engagement - at
all levels of the USG - with Preval and to press him to move
forward the important agenda of change that remains as yet
unrealized here.


TIGHE